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            "note": "<p>Reading notes</p>\n<p>Jerome Krase and Timothy Shortell of Brooklyn College, City University of New York present a photo essay attempting to achieve a visual sociological analysis of ethnic and class differences evolving under conditions of globalization, as they can be seen in the \"vernacular landscapes\" of architecture, language in public space, formations, movements and activities of people in public spaces etc.</p>\n<p>They draw from a corpus of close to 10,000 images collected by the two of them in travels over 2 or 3 decades to approx. 40 cities in North America, Europe, Asia mostly, utilizing a methodology they describe as \"the photographic survey\", by which \"photographs are taken as the researcher travels through a neighborhood, systematically photographing public spaces without regard to particular content or aesthetics.\" (p. 372). (project at http://brooklynsoc.org/blog/gallery2) In this way, Kreese and Shortell attempt to in effect become a sort of Google van, recording \"both the physical and social streetscapes\" (ibid.) in a way that is independent of the researcher's attention (DM: is this possible?), opening the way for later discoveries, in a way that they liken to \"the ethnographer collecting observational data\" (ibid.; DM: can you really say this in good conscience?). They also attempt a fly-on-the-wall type of observational ethic, striving not to 'bother' locals or transform the scene.</p>\n<p>In arguing for their *visual* sociology, they point to the foundational thought of Georg Simmel, quoted on p. 371 of their article saying</p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>Modern social life increases in ever growing degree the role of mere visual impression which always characterizes teh preponderant part of all sense relationships between man and man, and must place social attitudes and feelings upon an entirely changed basis (Simmel 1924(1908): 360).</p>\n</blockquote>\n<p>They point to de Certeau (1984) in taking *walking* as a methodological inspiration (DM: but don't realize his standards IMO) and for their main interpretive lens point to the work of Roman Jakobson (1960, 1972) for his identification of \"two functions of signs that can help disentangle the competing meanings applie to visual representations of identity in urban neighborhoods\" (372). These are the <strong>expressive signs</strong> that \"give the subject a voice; they are an important component of social agency. In the context of urban neighborhoods, people create expressive signs in the course of their everyday practices when they enact rituals of identity\" (p. 372); meanwhile, <strong>phatic signs</strong> are \"embedded meanings that facilitate social relations\" (less intentional), \"artifacts of ordinary social interaction that become markers of settlement space. They are the indicators that we are 'at home' in our neighborhood.\" (ibid.)</p>\n<p>DM: In practice, the authors interpret these markers of demographic identities and change based solely on their readings of images, in isolation, grouped by neighborhood/territory, layered over time when possible, and in comparison and contrast with other locales in other cities. Questions of language and cultural difference in their over 40 sampled cities, nor of the particular mechanisms employed by the researchers in interpreting their corpus, remain largely unexplained and uninterrogated. And the consequence of this kind of removed reading of signs without further investigation of local meanings (ironic since they talk about glocalization as where the \"something\" is) is significant; they write that \"Phatic signs of immigrant identity, taken together, are the decisive marker of a particular bounded social space as an 'immigrant neighborhood'. Expressive signs of ethnic identity may be more likely to catch the attention of urban dwellers, especially visitors, but the concentration of phatic signs is more critical to the ascription of the place\" (p. 373). Yet, we have to ask again, who is reading these distinctions??. And, again, the reading of signs as 'markers' of ethnic identity--how do other scripts realize this in ways the authors are not prepared to acknowledge?</p>\n<p>\"multilingual signs mark the space as glocalized\"</p>\n<p>A few other readings to check out from VC:</p>\n<p>Ertep, H. (2009) ‘Chaos or Homogenization? The Role of Shop Signs in Transforming Urban Fabric in Beyoglu, Istanbul’, Visual Communication 8(3): 263–72.</p>\n<p>Pan, L. (2009) ‘Dissecting Multilingual Beijing: The Space and Scale of Vernacular Globalization’, Visual Communication 9(1): 67–90.</p>",
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