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Mentions JARC success in King County, WA and the San Francisco Bay Area

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SUMMARY:

\n

Emissions reductions. Car-sharing reduces emissions of greenhouse gases and other pollutants, simply by encouraging people to drive less. The benefits are amplified, however, through allowing members to pick the right car for the right trip. Rather than owning a large family car or SUV to cope with camping trips once a year, car-sharing gives them access to a range of vehicles – a compact car for trips around town, or pick-up trucks to move heavy loads. What’s more, most operators use modern, fuel-efficient cars – including hybrids – while the cars they replace tend to be older and more polluting (11).

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SUMMARY:

\n

This paper explained the table of criteria found in the TCRP bible, (see figure labeled TABLE 4).  It is, as noted, “a supply model of car-sharing, rather than a demand model.”  The paper includes GIS methodology for determining “level of service” - the number of cars within a ½ mile radius from any other car.  Again, similar to the Madison feasibility study (Grossberg), the authors mention that, “[r]esidents living in car-sharing neighborhoods are also far more likely to rent and hold a Bachelor’s degree or higher.”  It seems that the boundary between indicator for success and correlation are blurred and not kept clear enough for comfort.

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SUMMARY:

\n

Mentioned carsharing as a viable alternative but state that “presently these are aimed at a higher-income market.” (11)

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SUMMARY:

\n

The basic structure of car sharing suggests that it could provide car access to low-income individuals without cars. Without access to private cars, low-income individuals might be limited in the number/type of trips they are able to make. Introducing car sharing programs to low-income neighborhoods could solve this problem, while also allowing car sharing companies to expand their customer base (1).

\n

It is difficult for people in low-income communities to afford the fixed costs of car sharing (e.g. membership fees, application fees, etc…). Car sharing operatives cannot afford to eliminate these sources of revenue, however. Thus these authors see the need for a subsidy. Author sees transit authorities as an obvious partner. Suggests users can “bank” transit trips and then use them for car sharing trips (1).

\n

Author does not advise locating cars in neighborhoods that are exclusively low-income because this will require continual subsidies. Suggests that mixed-income neighborhoods are a better option because higher income users can subsidize use by lower-income users (2).

\n

The team then set up a working hypothesis that the neighborhood needed a high population density to support car sharing and discourage parking (thus creating demand for car sharing), commutes long enough that transit made more sense than walking or biking, a relatively high transit commute share, and, most importantly for this analysis, a poverty rate that is high enough for a significant number of low-income people to benefit from the program, but not so high as to overwhelm demand for the car sharing car (2).

\n

Author then uses these ideas about car sharing to hypothesize which neighborhoods in the Minneapolis-St. Paul area have the most potential for car sharing.

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SUMMARY:

\n

Cervero is interested in whether car sharing leads to an increase or decrease in vehicle travel. He acknowledges that while proponents of car sharing often argue that car sharing will decrease vehicle travel that increased mobility given to people who previously had no access to a personal vehicle could cause an increase in vehicle travel. In order to determine how car sharing affects vehicle travel Cervero conducted a series of surveys in San Francisco, comparing the usage trends of members to nonmembers over a one year period. Some of the notable results from Cevero's research include:

\n

-\"The most common use of City CarShare vehicles was for recreation and other purposes, followed by personal business, returning home (e.g., work-to-home), socializing, going to school, going to work, and attending to medical needs. In general, City CarShare vehicles were not turned to for essential, non-discretionary trips, such as going to and from work and school.\" (6)

\n

-Statistically, most members were women (62%), 88% were white, and 90% had graduated college. Median income for members and nonmembers was $50,000. (7)

\n

-Car sharing was most common in households without children. (7)

\n

-83.3% of members owned 0-1 car. As a result there was little opportunity for car sharing to drastically reduce car ownership.

\n

-Members with low incomes tended to increase personal use of the car (echo effect), in contrast to members with higher incomes, who reduced usage of the personal vehicles (substitution effect). (11)

\n

-People are most likely to travel by car when doing so requires less time than other modes of transportation (11-12).

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This article extends the findings presented in Cervero's initial research on car sharing in San Francisco. The second year of data allows for trends in use to be more clearly studied. Cervero finds that car sharing members have significantly reduced their use of private cars and that this has led to a corresponding drop in gasoline consumption. Likewise, car sharing has led to a decrease in private vehicle ownership. Specifically, Cervero shows that:

\n

Ÿ  During City CarShare’s first two years, average daily VMT fell slightly for members yet increased for non-members. (9)

\n

Ÿ  City CarShare membership typically lowered daily gasoline consumption by nearly a quarter of a gallon. (11)

\n

Ÿ  However, 68.9 percent of City CarShare trips added new motorized vehicles to the streets of San Francisco. The remaining shares were motorized-vehicle substitutions: 17.9 percent of trips were previously made by driving and 13.2 percent were via taxi, rental car, or borrowing someone else’s vehicle.

\n

With regards to vehicle ownership:

\n

Ÿ  A significantly higher share of members reduced car ownership than non-members: 29.1 versus 8.0 percent. (8)

\n

Ÿ  73.3 percent of members reduced car ownership and/or opted not to purchase a vehicle between March 2001 and March 2003, compared to 42.9 percent of non-members. (8)

\n

With regards to what traits are typical to car sharing and member demographics:

\n

Ÿ  Fewer than 10 percent of City CarShare trips had children as passengers. (10)

\n

Ÿ  City CarShare was used most (relative to other modal options) for individual affairs: personal business, shopping, and medical appointments. Journeys to work made up 20.6 percent of members’ total trips but, as previously noted, just 10.7 percent of carshare trips. (7)

\n

Ÿ  The car sharing population has begun to become more reflective of the city's actual demographics. More info on page (7)

\n

The article did not attempt to make an analysis of how car-sharing in lower-income communities has altered car usage patterns.

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