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            "note": "<p>What Hamlin intendeds to propose in this essay is the existence of “certain habitual Western assumptions” about cross-cultural models (also called myth models) (407). These myth models, according to Hamlin, affect human perception; “they coexist easily but in fact disjunctively with certain other ideological structures” in Ralegh’s <em>Discoverie</em> among many other early travel writings and early colonial accounts (407). Hamlin suggests that these myth models “traverse class and cultural boundaries;” he sees them as both limiting and enabling: “limiting because they restrict perception and cognition, enabling because they can be employed to buttress their adherents’ power” (407). Hanlin tells us that in this essay he intends to show the chronological progression of self-awareness on the part of Drake, Harriot, and Ralegh, and although we can not realize a completely conscious “exploitation of apotheosis” on part of these English explorers, we can identify a passive encouragement of the alleged apprehension which is direct conflict with fundamental assumptions of Christian evangelicalism (408).</p>\n<p>When speaking specifically of Ralegh, Hamlin argues that Ralegh’s account is propagandist in its attempt to applaud American colonization. Unlike Whitehead, Hamlin believes that Ralegh in uninterested in ethnographic study. He identifies <em>Discoverie</em> as a quintessential example of 16<sup>th</sup> century travel writing.</p>\n<p>What Hamlin finds most intriguing about Ralegh’s account is his representation of the savage as malleable in its “subscription to the myth model” (416). The natives were supposedly taught to be anti-English, however, Ralegh convinces them of the virtues of Elizabeth along with the evils of Spain.</p>\n<p>In regards to gendering, Hamlin suggesting that Ralegh sees Elizabeth as the perfect husband for Guiana, “perfecting its chaos and presiding over its wild civility by engendering through her own form of immaculate conception, a fecund sibling for the more austere Britania” (418).</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"The Reception of Malory's <em>Morte Darthur</em>\" by A.S.G. Edwards</p>\n<p><strong> </strong>Edwards recounts the history of the reception of <em>Le Morte D’Arthur</em>, its popularity, multiple printings, woodcut illustrations, and the fact that of the multitudes of copies we know were printed, the relatively few surviving copies are in poor condition, indicating that the books were read to pieces.  Numerous works of the time referred to Malory’s <em>Le Morte D’Arthur</em>, and it was part of the entertainment for Elizabeth I on at least one occasion, and Shakespeare and his contemporaries were clearly familiar with Malory’s book.  Tudor humanists, however, took issue with the numerous slaughters and instances of adultery in the stories.  Happily, though, there were two more printings of <em>Le Morte D’Arthur </em>even after being condemned by humanists.  Interest eventually waned as time passed and new trends rose in literature, and by the 17<sup>th</sup> century, <em>Le Morte D’Arthur </em>was treated cynically, if at all.  The work was largely forgotten until the early 19<sup>th</sup> century, when a revival of Arthurian legends began to take place, including Tennyson’s <em>Idylls of the King</em>, and several well-known American authors like E.A. Robinson, Mark Twain, and John Steinbeck.  The 20<sup>th</sup> century is dismissed as having little creative additions to the Arthur legend aside from T.H. White’s imaginative retelling of <em>Le Morte D’Arthur.</em></p>\n<p>The early reception of <em>Le Morte D’Arthur </em>is most relevant to my paper, though I find all of the information Edwards provides useful and interesting.  The widespread popularity and influence <em>Le Morte D’Arthur</em> evidently enjoyed for most of the Tudor dynasty is important to my purposes, since I needed to know that it was a book most people were reading for many years.  The later reception, <em>Le Morte D’Arthur</em>’s decline in popularity and eventual revival is of secondary importance to me, but I want to include a small section on more modern adaptations of Arthurian legend and its evolution over time.</p>",
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            "note": "<p><em>The Return from Avalon</em> is a study in different forms of retelling Arthurian legends in the past hundred years.  Because of this, it will not be a major part of my paper, but I would like to touch on modern trends in the retelling of Arthurian legends to illustrate how the story is retold with contemporary circumstances in mind.</p>\n<p>Thompson breaks up Arthurian retellings into five categories: retellings, realistic fiction, historical fiction, science fiction/science fantasy, and fantasy.  They are typically set in Dark Age Britain, which tends to be bleak and brutal, the timeless world of high medieval romance, which usually emphasizes honor and aspirations to do good in the world, or somehow adapted to the present day or the future.  Some of the categories have subcategories to break them down further, though Thompson admits that few things fit exactly into these categories. Although this book was published before Marion Zimmer Bradley’s famous Arthurian adaptation, <em>The Mists of Avalon</em>, Thompson discusses Mary Stewart’s series and writers like John Steinbeck and Mark Twain.  Thompson traces changes in the depiction of major characters: which knights are more prominent in different adaptations, how women, especially Guinevere, are depicted, and in what light villainous characters like Mordred are cast.</p>\n<p>More than specific references to adaptations of the Arthur legend, I am looking for things Thompson has to say about why and how adaptations happen, what that says about the writer’s own time, and what continues to keep people interested in Arthurian legends.  The main causes for all of these things seems to be, depending on the story, either a kind of nostalgia, or a reaction against it—an effort to correct our nostalgic, romanticized vision of the past with something the writer sees as more correct.</p>",
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            "note": "<p><strong><em> </em></strong><em>Spectacle Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy</em> details the major pageants during the reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII and his children, ending early in the reign of Elizabeth I.  Tournaments and pageants were usually held to be impressive public celebrations, often for births, marriages, coronations, major treaties, or progresses.  Anglo is very interested in the “Tudor Idea,” which is the same as what we have been calling the Tudor Myth, and the ways in which the Tudors crafted their own public image for different purposes.</p>\n<p>Anglo describes the propagandistic purposes of image crafting, and the ways in which it reflects the policies of different Tudor monarchs.  The most common purpose is to display power and magnificence in order to deter opposition from either foreign or local enemies.  Although I plan on looking for signs of recast medieval conventions like courtly love, tournaments, and possibly morality or mystery plays in all of the pageants Anglo describes, I plan on paying special attention to the reign of Henry VIII, since he and Elizabeth I seem to be, from what I have already read, the most interested in recasting those medieval conventions of the Tudor monarchs.  Only the earliest pageant of Elizabeth’s reign is included in the text, so there is a limited amount of information I can get about her reign from that.</p>\n<p>Since Henry VII was right on the cusp between what we consider the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, it is difficult to say that he is recasting the medieval, although I consider any intentional changes in older conventions he may have made in the crafting of his image to be relevant.  The brevity of the reigns of Edward VI and Mary limits the pageants which they held, especially since Edward was so young and any pageants held to craft his public image would have been planned by someone else, probably the Lord Protector.  Mary’s pageants interest me to a certain degree because she has a reputation for being dour, and seems to lack her father’s and younger sister’s love of courtly love.  If Henry VII could still be considered medieval, Mary is perhaps the clearest break with the medieval.  Elizabeth’s return to it, perhaps to emphasize her connection to father and grandfather (remember those good old days?) and distance herself from her unpopular sister, is ostentatious and perhaps even decadent.  I hope to find out what the Tudors believed their respective pageants would tell the world about them, and why they chose to revive or discard medieval traditions.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>Malory’s <em>Le Morte D’Arthur</em> is one of the core texts I will be using in my paper.  I hope that by reading <em>Le Morte D’Arthur</em> alongside older Arthurian Romances, I can find a commentary of sorts on Malory’s time.  The changes he would be making to the story should somehow reflect the social and political climate Malory himself was living in, and perhaps say something about why the people of Renaissance England were looking back to the Middle Ages in so many ways, romanticizing the past and imposing their more modern opinions on it.  When Elizabeth I tried to revive courtly love or the joust, for example, she succeeded, but they were not the same as they were in the 13<sup>th</sup> century.  I’d like to examine what those differences can that tell us about the 16<sup>th</sup> century.</p>\n<p><em>Le Morte D’Arthur</em> is Malory’s compilation of some 350 years worth of Arthurian romances, mostly from the French, although some English stories were included as well.  Because they are taken from a variety of sources over such a long period of time, there are some ideological contradictions present in the work.  More importantly, since <em>Le Morte D’Arthur</em> was printed for the first time the same year Henry VII married Elizabeth of York, ending the Wars of the Roses.  The themes Malory presents and perhaps emphasizes in his retelling of Arthurian romances include the problem of warring kin and knights wasting time in a blood feud when their kingdom is in danger.</p>\n<p>I have never read all of <em>Le Morte D’Arthur</em>, but I hope that my paper will give me the opportunity to read the whole book to search for further examples of changes Malory made to Arthurian romances to make them more relevant to an audience that witnessed the Wars of the Roses—any instances of fighting amongst Arthur’s knights, especially kinsmen, or more tragic consequences for infighting.  I would also like to closely examine the roles of tournaments and courtly love, in hopes that I can make the argument that <em>Le Morte D’Arthur</em> and similar revivals of medieval stories influenced court life.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>Young begins with the history of tournaments in the Middle Ages.  They began as bloody free-for-alls in which knights on two opposing sides met between two towns and had at each other with an assortment of weapons, on horse or on foot, often spreading the violence around the surrounding countryside.  Since there was no to judge these competitions, winners were not always clear and foul play was common place.  Early tournaments seem to be feudal warfare disguised as a game, which the Church quite understandably opposed for its lack of reverence for human life.  The goal, however, was not necessarily to kill.  Unless knights had some private feud with each other, the usual goal was to take captives and horses, since captives could be ransomed and horses were valuable.</p>\n<p>The tournament evolved into one-on-one fights with clear rules and judges, and the joust became the most popular activity in tournaments.  Rebated, or blunted, lances, which had only been used by squires, became the norm in order to preserve as many knights as possible in case a real war made them necessary. Armor was adapted to fit jousting, helmets covered the entire head and face, and saddles were equipped with high backs and armored, boot-like stirrups to prevent unhorsing as much as possible.  Tilt barriers—walls or fences between two horsed knights charging at each other—were introduced to prevent the horses from colliding and any foul play knights could cause if there weren’t a wall between them.  Ulrich von Liechtenstein revolutionized the joust in the 13<sup>th</sup> century through use of chivalric and courtly ideals. Brute force and cunning were no longer the most valuable traits a knight could have, but grace, honor and skill—and a beautiful but tragically unattainable beloved.  Although it was still a dangerous sport, jousting became more of a social diversion than a blood sport.</p>\n<p>Henry VII began to use jousts as a public display of wealth and power.  They were part of elaborate celebratory tournaments which made Henry VII look very rich and impressive to foreign ambassadors and possible local enemies.  Henry VIII, unlike his father, actively took part in jousts, and was renown for his skill in the tiltyards.  His physical and mental prowess were well known throughout Europe.</p>\n<p>Edward VI, though often called sickly, was actually athletic, and participated in a form of jousting usually done by squires, trying to put his lance through a ring suspended from a poll.  Considering how young Edward VI was, and that he had no heir, it is no surprise that he did not participate in man-to-man jousting.  Mary was not particularly interested in jousts, but her husband attempted to use jousting to ease tensions between English and Spanish nobility, with little success.  Under Elizabeth, jousting experienced a rebirth.  Since she portrayed herself as the unattainable beloved in the courtly love paradigm, she had the men of her court vie for her attention and favor through the joust.</p>\n<p>In the chapters that follow, Young explains how tournaments and jousts were used by different Tudor and Stuart monarchs, and the evolution of the tournament from a bloody melee to the orderly, though still dangerous, sport of kings.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>Although <em>The Tudor Court</em> addresses various aspects of court life, not all of which are relevant to my paper topic, the “Sports, Entertainment, and Pastimes” section addresses the importance of courtly love conventions and jousting to Tudor court life.  Although this book will probably not be used directly in my paper, I found it to be good background reading, and it helped me to establish a historic and, perhaps more importantly, social context for my research.  Life in the court of a Tudor, especially during the reigns of Henry VIII and Elizabeth I, seems unique and complicated, and Loades’s book clarifies court life in an engaging way.</p>\n<p> </p>\n<p>Loades lightheartedly describes Tudor courtiers being, by profession, totally idle, and lists their diversions with dry humor.  Courtly love was a favorite pastime at court, and was linked to the joust through the wearing of a lady’s favor in the lists.  During the reign of Elizabeth, courtly love took on a new face—Elizabeth herself became the object of courtly lovers’ affections.  The men of the court had to use courtly love conventions to vie for Elizabeth’s attention, making courtly love a competition that carried from day-to-day events to the jousts held at tournaments.</p>\n<p> </p>\n<p><em>The Tudor Court</em> does not speculate the possible social or political motivations for Elizabeth’s use of courtly love, or the function of it in earlier Tudor times.  The joust is treated similarly—this is a text that states facts, even if it does so in a pleasant or humorous way.  There is little if any analysis, which I like in background reading.  It allows me to make up my own mind about things.</p>\n<p> </p>\n<p>I found this text most useful in providing historic context.  Although, as I said, not all of the book is relevant to my paper specifically, the information on the daily life and pastimes of the elite class was helpful.  It provided useful background information that that I need, and I appreciated its straightforward, objective facts.</p>",
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            "note": "<p><em> Arthurian Propaganda </em>addresses the issue of Arthurian legend, especially Malory’s retelling of it, as social propaganda.  Pochoda looks at the elevating virtues of courtly love and chivalric idealism as veiling a darker reality while providing an idealized version of what reality “should” be.  She addresses past scholarship on Malory in order to provide the reader with the proper vantage point, then addresses the conflicts between medieval political theory and historical ideals.  Arthurian legend is described as being particularly conducive to retelling with political idealization, and Pochoda examines how Malory altered older Arthurian romances, and what purposes those alterations serve.</p>\n<p>When I first picked up this book, I had hoped that it would make the case for Malory’s work being Tudor propaganda, and although it wasn’t exactly what I wanted, I think it will still be useful to me.  I do not agree with all that she has to say, and I find certain aspects of her argument to be anachronistic and reminiscent of modern conspiracy theorists, but I think that some of her arguments are intriguing and worthy of a more in depth examination.  I am particularly interested in her chapter about earlier criticism of Malory, since that is something I know nothing about, and well as her comparison between Malory’s retelling and earlier stories.  Although I hope to do some of my own comparisons between Malory and De Troyes, I’m sure Pochoda’s will be very different than mine, and I’m sure she knows more about the time period than I do, so she should be able to deduce reasons for those changes better than I could.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>Fuller’s essay is strongly tied to the idea that Ralegh’s expedition to Guiana was more about self interest than his concern over the colonial aspirations of England, or, as Whitehead might say, his interest in the ethnographic study of Guiana. Early on Fuller notes, “He is charged with having an interest not in profit but in proof—intending to ‘save his credit’ with one basket of ore, rather than restore the king’s credit with ‘the riches of it’ (43). Since she is referring to James here (King), Fuller must be addressing his later expedition, however, the same metaphor can be applied to Ralegh’s initial journey. If Ralegh’s journey was primarily self interested, how does this affect the telling of his narrative? Ralegh sought to bring back the memory of his earlier glory by bringing back gold—a means of “self-preservation” according to Fuller (44). She asks, “How does one validate memory? Ralegh, it seems, intended to do so by bringing back matter, ‘a handful of the Mine’” (44). I am interested in exploring is not only this question of validating memory, but validating narrative, specifically Ralegh’s <em>The Discoverie of Guiana</em>. Fuller addresses the problematic nature of Ralegh’s writing.</p>\n<p>Ralegh’s problem was symptomatic of a more widespread attitude toward the material, and also of a writing situation with peculiar constraints: one in which the issue of <em>truth</em>, veracity, was particularly at stake and also particularly difficult to check. The problems of writing America, of producing “true reports,” tested the limits of the material as a resource for verifying the nonfictional text. (Fuller 44)</p>\n<p>In addition to the gold metaphor, Fuller offers a very fitting image of distances and how they affect the understanding of Ralegh’s work. Distance is reduced by discovey, but Ralegh’s text is “a tissue of distances: distance from home, the distance and time one traverses in the narrative, the distance between oneself and the thing one is attempting to ‘discover…’” (51). Ralegh is searching for a referent to attach to the legendary names of “Manoa” and “El Dorado.” Fuller shows how the complexity of language and the linguistic gap makes our understanding of Ralegh, both the man and the narrative, inherently remote.</p>",
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