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            "note": "<p>Gr&egrave;ve des carr&eacute;s rouges: aide de PCLH, contribution syndicale ambig&uuml;e<br /><br />&laquo;If unions disappointed some activists and observers (...), it was not so much related to their official position as to the actual support they provided to the students. Even if they clearly supported the students, labor federations made it clear that it was a student-run movement and that they would not interfere with it, although material support was provided from time to time, in particular by the CSN. Support came more strongly from unions within higher education, whose members were obviously concerned more directly by the student actions. An informal trans-union affinity group, Les profs contre la hausse (...), was formed to gather those who were willing to bring more help (...). The group produced leaflets, it had an online presence, and its members were visible on the picket lines and during marches, supporting the students. The fact that this group was not a formal union body (and even expressed criticisms of union leaderships) shows the tensions that appeared within the rank and file over the question of what actions organized labor should take in relation to the student movement.<br /><br />It is worth mentioning an important episode of the Maple Spring regarding labor. On May 4th, 2012, the government decided to engage in a bargaining blitz with the students. In order to make the discussions easier, Charest asked the leaders of the three main labor federations to act as facilitators. The three leaders accepted but made it clear that they were not bargaining on behalf of anyone. Student negotiators remained completely autonomous. After a full day of intense discussions, the parties reached an agreement, but on the following day some student groups denounced the final document as not accurately reflecting the spirit of the compromise that had been reached (...). Sent for ratification to the local student associations, the deal was massively rejected. The failure of this blitz partly hurt the image of the labor leaders, who were denounced either for having &ldquo;imposed&rdquo; a bad deal on students or for not having seen it coming.<br /><br />When the government subsequently decided to adopt a harder line against students, the attitude of the labor federations remained unchanged. They (...) did not go further than press conferences. The same happened when the infamous Bill 78 was submitted by the government on May 17th, 2012.<br /><br />(...)<br />Bill 78 was the straw that broke the camel&rsquo;s back. Spontaneous demonstrations started to flourish across the province, in explicit violation of the law, in which people would gather on street corners and start marching while banging pots and pans to show their opposition to the government. In that exceptional context of social mobilization and growing discontent, labor federations voiced their opposition to the law but, contrary to student and other social groups, decided not to act against it or to engage in more militant or radical kinds of protest.&raquo;<br /><br />Thomas Collombat, &laquo; Labor and Austerity in Qu&eacute;bec: Lessons from the Maple Spring &raquo;, Labor Studies Journal, published 29 April 2014.</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>",
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