Main points of chapter 6
\nGlobalization and Governance: From Statism to Polycentrism
\n• contemporary large-scale and accelerated globalization has rendered the statist mode of governance non-viable and encouraged the emergence of polycentric (multi-sited and networked) regulation
\n• states remain crucial nodes in this polycentric governance, although
globalization has spurred several important shifts in their attributes
• globalization has opened considerable possibilities for substate (municipal
and provincial) authorities to engage directly with realms beyond
their state
• inadequacies of the state as a sole site for governance of global relations have promoted a growth of suprastate (macro-regional and transworld) sites of regulation
\n• dominant neoliberalist policy frameworks in contemporary globalization have encouraged a major expansion of private sites of governance
\n• civil society activity has followed the trend from statism to polycentrism by shifting its focus from the state alone to a multi-scalar diffuse governance apparatus
\n‘Statism’ refers here to a condition where societal governance is more or less equivalent to the regulatory operations of territorial bureaucratic national governments. (186)
\nin a statist mode of governance local governments have no significant autonomy from central governments regarding national policy questions.
\nThe end of statism in no way entails the end of the state itself. However, governance now also involves suprastate (regional and transworld) regimes that operate with some autonomy from the state. In addition, many substate (municipal and provincial) governments today engage directly with spheres beyond their
country.
Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri have invoked the term ‘empire’ to describe ‘a decentered and deterritorializing apparatus of rule that progressively incorporates the entire global realm’
\nJohn Keane has introduced the concept of ‘cosmocracy’ to denote a ‘much messier’ and ‘far more complex type of polity’ with ‘multiplying, highly mobile and intersecting lines of governmental
powers’
‘new medievalism’ to designate conditions where, as in the European Middle Ages, multiple authorities operating on different scales exercise overlapping and sometimes conflicting competences over the same realms
\nThe situation fell very much into what international relations theorists have typically called a ‘Westphalian’ mould, after the 1648 Peace of Westphalia that formalized the modern concept of a system of sovereign states. Westphalian sovereignty held that each state would exercise supreme, comprehensive, unqualified and exclusive rule over its territorial jurisdiction. Westphalian practices of sovereignty depended on a territorialist geography where all social transactions occur at fixed locations:either within territorial jurisdictions, or at designated points across tightly patrolled territorial borders.
\nOther analysts have argued that sovereignty has not ended but rather taken new form to fit poststatist conditions. These theorists rightly emphasize that key ideas and practices like sovereignty are social constructs that evolve as historical contexts change.
\nemergent ‘partial’ or ‘shrunken’ sovereignty, ‘limited’, qualified’ and ‘semi’ sovereignty
\ngovernments can shape the effects of globalization on their territories and populations: with fiscal policies, monetary policies, consumer policies, labour policies, environmental policies, data protection policies, and so on.
\nperhaps it is no accident that states with McDonald’s outlets in their jurisdictions have only once gone to war against each other. Even in the single exception to this rule, the Kosovo War of 1999, the six McDonald’s restaurants in Belgrade only closed during the hostilities between Serbian and NATO forces and quickly reopened after the ceasefire (New York Times, 2 July 1999).
\nWith chief reliance on precision bombing, NATO forces suffered not a single troop casualty in the Kosovo War. Meanwhile the recent ‘war on terrorism’ has involved satellite remote sensing, monitoring of bank accounts, and hacking into computers as much as armed combat
\nGovernance has become polycentric under the influence of globalization not only with the diffusion of regulation across multiple layers of the public sector, but also by the spread of private, non-statutory frameworks of rules.
\nthe prevailing neoliberalist approach to contemporary globalization has also promoted the rise of private regulation. The logic of neoliberalism can easily move from prescribing the privatization of production to advocating the privatization of governance. At an extreme, neoliberalists might affirm that the global private sector can – together with consumer and other stakeholder pressure in the marketplace – adequately regulate itself.
\nImplications of globalization for governance in summary
\nRefashioning of states
\n• removal of the material and ideational conditions for statism and
Westphalian constructions of sovereignty
• reorientation of states to serve global as well as national constituencies
• complex and differential effects on state delivery of social protections
• shifts in the incidence of warfare and the tools with which it is waged
• major growth in transstate networksDiffusion of regulation
• widespread devolution and increased cross-border relations of substate
authorities
• proliferation and growth of macro-regional governance agencies
• expansion of public global regulation
• development of private, non-statutory frameworks to govern various
aspects of global affairs Growth of global civil society
• rise of organized citizen activism on global issues
• increased engagement by civil society groups of suprastate and private
governance agencies as well as the state
Smith:
\nContra Krasner Smith argues that globalization represents a fundamental challenge to the way in which space is governed.
\nThe practices of sovereignty have never matched the textbook version of what soverignty is said to be
\nJohn Agnew concept of Territorial Trap:
\nThe merging of the state with a clearly bounded territory is the geographical essence of the field of international relations.Territorial state is seen as the central actor in world politics and Agnew believes that this results in a territorial trap. Thhis trap is not simply to do with the goodness of-fit of the territorial assumption, it is also the main strategy of modern intellectuals of all political persuasions in limiting the definition of power to that of a coercive instrument and ... (203)
\nWalker: he sees the principle of the state sovereignty to be the product of specific historical and political forces and the tradition of realist thinking resulting from this is best understood as a myth.
\nSpace is not a neutral concept. its meaning is always socially produced and this politics of space implies that concepts such as sovereignty and globalization cannot be seen as referring to something neutral or as something out there; rather these concepts are themselves political, views from somewhere and reflecting specific views of the relationship between space politics, economics and the state.
\nKrasner identifies four main usages of the term sovereignty: domestic (authority within state) interdependence legal (how governments control the flow of information) Westphalian (tradition of non-interference) international legal (mutual recognition)
\n\n
three broad schools of impacts of globalization: hyperglobalization, scpetics, and transformationalists,
\nHyperglobalization: tend to follow an economic logic and thus portray the state as being swept away by the rise of single global market: in a world with borderless economy the state will itelsef soon lose meaning.
\nSceptics: Main claim is that there is nothing fundamentally new about globalization. Thus globalization is a myth because it portrays the current situation as unprecedented and because it treats globalization as a truly global phenomenon. Importantly, the sceptics think that the hyperglobalist theis.
\nTransformationalists:
\ndo not deny globalization is a driving force in contemporary world politics, but nor do they posit some once and for all outcome of the process, as do both sceptics and hyperglobalizaers.
\nthe effect on sovereginty is that it remains a feature of the system but it is now located in a multiplicity of institutional arenas: the new emergent transnational legal regiems, new supernational organizations and the various international human rights codes. All these institutions constrain the autonomy of national states; states operating under the rule of law are caught in a web of obligations they cannot disregard.
\n\n
\n
\n
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\nglobal integration acts as a force that constrains states and reshapes institutions, severely restricting the room for manoeuvre, standardising domestic institutions and dispersing decision-making authority downwards, upwards and sideways to other power actors.
\nThere is, of course, a strong kernel of truth to the ‘constraints’ view of state transformation. Nevertheless, it suffers from two major limitations. One is an overwhelming concentration on the constraining effects of globalisation, which ignores its enabling consequences. The second limitation of the ‘constraints’ view is a preoccupation with power shift – the dispersion and transfer of state power – while overlooking its environment with other power networks, especially at the transnational and supranational levels.
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Question:
\nIn chapter 6 of Global Governance, Jan Aart Scholte claims that “[states] cannot exercise authority over transplanetary associations or global companies (Pg. 189)” and that “governments intervene in rather than control global trade”. These statements and acknowledge the general shift away from the sovereignty of states and a reduction in their decision making capacities. Given these shifts, to what extent might the roles of states and over transplanetary associations or global companies being reversed? Do global companies exercise authority over governments? Can transplanetary associations dictate state activities regarding markets? Can they affect the sovereignty of states?
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\nOf all the rights that can belong to a nation, sovereignty is doubtless the most precious. Emerich de Vattel (1883:154)
\nF. H. Hinsley’s (1966) later analysis in which he defined sovereignty as referring to final and absolute political authority in the political community.
\nAn important question to ask when considering sovereignty in the context of globalization is the following: Are these trends in globalization a function of largely autonomous structural forces or, conversely, the result of state interests?
\n‘‘The concept of ‘sovereignty’ is usually taken to mean that a nation state has power and control over its own future. . . . A loss of sovereignty implies a loss of legal and actual control over the determination of the direction of national policy’’ (Held 1990:407).
\nStephen Krasner (1999) has suggested that sovereignty can be broken down into four distinct types: Westphalian, domestic, interdependence, and international legal.
\nWhereas ‘‘domestic sovereignty’’ refers to the organization of government authority within a state, ‘‘Westphalian sovereignty’’ is defined as those aspects that exclude external actors from a state’s domestic authority configuration. ‘‘Interdependence sovereignty’’ refers to the control of transborder movements, and ‘‘international legal sovereignty’’ is limited to those factors that involve the mutual recognition of states within the nation-state system
\n‘‘sovereignty bargains’’
\nMost scholars of international relations associate the rise of modern sovereignty with the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, although some (see Hinsley 1966; Bueno de Mesquita 2000; Osiander 2001) have suggested that its origins can be traced con- siderably further back in time. The emergence of Westphalian sovereignty was not the product of a rational rethinking of political order, but rather a necessary means to assure the most basic of human needs: survival
\nWestphalian sovereignty consolidated political au- thority within a distinct territory that excluded external actors from domestic authority structures. Under the Westphalian system, borders clearly demarcated ‘‘outside’’ from ‘‘inside’’ and established the ‘‘ultimate’’ authority of the state within its domain (Herz 1957; Kratochwil 1986). With the emergence of the territorial state, it is important to recognize that common definitions of sovereignty in its Westphalian sense do not refer to a social–political community as such, but rather to the territory within which sovereign authority is granted regarding political leadership.
\nHanseatic League ?
\nWestphalian states were better able to create a more unified economic climate by reducing economic particularism. Moreover, the rulers of the Westphalian states were better able to maintain credible commitments for their members in terms of trade by providing ‘‘a clear and final decision-making authority which could bind their subjects’’ (Spruyt 1994:185).
\ncrucial role of nationalism as a critical element of sovereignty:
\nWhereas sovereignty in the Westphalian sense centered on the authority granted to the monarch within a delineated territory, the rise of popular sovereignty through the revolutions of the eighteenth century in the United States and France signaled the rise of the sovereign nation-state
\nin the French Declaration of Rights in 1795, territory was now increasingly associated with the ‘‘nation’’ that occupied it. ‘‘Each people is independent and sovereign, whatever the number of individuals who compose it and the extent of the territory it occupies. This sovereignty is inalienable’’
\nImperial powers sought to promote a more expansive definition of ‘‘national identity’’ - one inclusive of colonial possessions - in order to maintain a close connection with colonists.
\nWhat is important to recognize here is the process by which sovereignty became both inseparable from notions of territoriality and with conceptions of an enduring national identity. Moreover, ‘‘nationalism gave rise to the principle that every nation needs and deserves the protective shell of a sovereign state in order to fulfill its potential’’
\nComparative advantage suggests that specialization, coupled with international trade, is a superior means of increasing both national and global wealth when contrasted with the mercantilist approach (Ricardo 1955).
\nNational Identity and Societal Security
\nmigrant-receiving societies seem acutely sensitive to the types of migration flows, not just their volume. Migration does not simply refer to commodified ‘‘labor,’’ as economists tend to treat it, but to people, who carry with them an identity and culture and who can be instrumental in shaping identity and culture in a new social environment after relocating
\n\n
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This essay examines the conditions of sovereignty and borders in a world of trading states, exploring how conceptions of sovereignty are reflected in the grand strategy of advanced industrial democracies. By disaggregating sover- eignty into its constitutive parts, the essay not only provides insights into how these facets affect modern statecraft but also reveals an undercon- ceptualized dimension: societal sovereignty. Whereas sovereignty is will- ingly ceded by states to gain economically from increased trade and capital mobility, public concern over the social, political, and economic effects of high levels of international migration indicate a growing sen- sitivity to the maintenance of sovereignty over access to social and political community. 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