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Hugh Gusterson moved to Livermore, CA in 1987 to conduct an ethnographic study of the people in and around the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, a nuclear weapons lab create in 1952 as an alternative to Los Alamos National Laboratory.

\n

He sought to interpret the two opposed views of nuclear proliferation in America. He used a relativist lens to reveal the cultural construction and legitimation of the differing rationalities and realisms in the nuclear age.

\n

Gusterson began his research by reading about the laboratory and the Los Alamos Laboratory. He learned as much as he could to prepare for his ethnography.

\n

Because he was an anthropologist without security clearance, he was not allowed to study the people as they worked in the laboratory. Instead, he chose to live with and among the scientists and support personnel in the surrounding town.

\n

Gusterson initially gathered information about the lab's employee degrees and credentials through government reports. He found inforamation about the lab's huge budget through both government and newspaper reports.

\n

Later, he interviewed employees to ask them their life stories about how they came to work at this national nuclear lab. Many reports they had come out of tenure track positions or straight out of graduate school; they preferred the benefits similar to university but without the politics and stress. He also asked them about their ethics and feelings about working on weapons. Many of them stated that they needed to continue to work on the weapons to keep the country strong and deter others from attacking us.

\n

To fill in this ethics question, Gusterson interviewed about six ministers to ask them about the ethics of weapons making they see in their parishes. Their main concern was for counseling the employees about their families or lives, not about the fact they make bombs.

\n

The Liverview Lab required security clearance in order to talk about and work on the weapons and technology created there. This created a research problem for Gusterson. Eventually, he was able to get \"L\" clearance which allowed him to go to the public cafeterias and walk through the labs without learning secret information (this would be a same clearance for janitorial staff).

\n

This high security created a sense of surveillance within employees and even Gusterson. They felt they were being watched as they worked toward and maintained Q clearance. Several scientists described their surveillance as if they were in a panopticon. This also created a distance with their family members who could not talk with them about their work.

\n

Gusterson was able to gain the trust of one scientist who allowed him to attend the above ground viewing of an underground testing in Nevada. This allowed him to see the remainders of plutonium on gloves and the effect it has when rubbed against each other. He was also able to get detailed information about the social importance of testing in the success of nuclear scientists.

\n

He had arrived in Livermore after the nation had seen large nuclear protests and many local laws to freeze nuclear proliferation. Some of his research time was spent in town meetings in 1989 where the lab's officials talked to townspeople, including those who were not affiliated with the lab, about the massive cleanup involved in the Fed's designation of two Superfund sites on lab property.

\n

He gave in-depth interviews and histories of protesters to elucidate the actions they took and beliefs they had for participating in the protest movement.

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Technology is a complex mass of useful tools that are created by humans. Only through humans' creativity can technology exist. Technology is not just artifacts but processes, ingenuity, and creativity.

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Latour posits that the definition of social has shrunk to include only human actors. However, what constitutes social includes non-humans -- computers, scallops, rocks, and ships.

\n

The book's purpose (p. 16):

\n
    \n
  1. \"How to deploy the many controversies about association without restricting in advance the social to a specific domain?
    2. \n
  2. How to render fully traceable the means allowing actors to stabilize those controversies?
    3. \n
  3. Through which procedures is it possible to reassemble the social not in a society but in a collective?\"
    4. \n
\n

Uncertainties

\n

When studying social interactions, one must not approach the topic with assumptions and preconceived ideas dues to several existing controversial uncertainties within an actor-network. These five major uncertainties include:

\n
    \n
  1. The nature of groups and the various ways individual actors can be given an identity.
    2. \n
  2. The nature of actions that may change according to the variety of agents that can displace original goals.
    3. \n
  3. The nature of objects given the various agents that participate in interaction.
    4. \n
  4. The nature of facts that describes the controversies between the natural sciences and society.
    5. \n
  5. The type of STS studies done with the label of science of the social is unclear.
    6. \n
\n

ANT claims that when studying and creating the social world, researchers must abstain from interrupting the flow of controversies. He/she must watch disputes play out and their results. In order to stay distant from making assumptions and close to watching controversies, a researcher should evaluate his/her work with the following questions (p. 25):

\n
    \n
  1. \"Have all the difficulties of traveling been recognized?
    2. \n
  2. Has teh complete cost of the travel from one connection to the next been fully paid?
    3. \n
  3. Has the traveler not cheated by surreptitiously getting a ride from an already existing 'social order'?\"
    4. \n
\n

Groups -- Uncertainty #1

\n

When observing interaction, it is important to follow social connections, groups of agents. Watching group formations leaves many more traces than already established connections. Researchers should follow group talk, anti-group agents, new resources used to make group boundaries stable, and agents with special objects/knowledge allows a researcher to ascertain interaction and agents that make a difference.

\n

Second, researchers should trace the boundary of a group. To help define a boundary, competing (anti-groups) interactions should be identified. The ANT researcher believes that groupings do not exist by themselves. Agents of the group have been created through many other influences in their past, including parents, teachers, bosses, spouses, and colleagues.

\n

Third, many groups have spokespersons who help define who they are, what they should be, and what they have been. These people are constantly at work, justifying the group's existence, invoking rules and expectations, and measuring up one definition against others.

\n

Fourth, when defining a group, one must also look at theories, published articles, and other non-human agents involved in their formation.

\n

Fifth, any grouping requires some inertia to exist. This inertia must be accounted for, so researchers should look for vehicles, tools, instruments, and materials that provide stability in range, solidity, commitment, loyalty, and adhesion.

\n

Sixth, as group members are engaged in group formation and destruction, they also engage in providing controversial accounts for their own actions  as well as for those of others.

\n

Action -- Uncertainty #2

\n

In order to distinguish between an actor that makes a difference and one that does not, Latour defines an intermediary versus a mediator. An intermediary transports meaning or force without transformation. A mediator transforms, translates, distorts, and modifies the meaning of elements they carry.  A mediator can be rather complex and lead in many directions. However, the status of an agent as intermediary or mediator, cause uncertainty over the nature of entities.

\n

An actor is made to act by many others. Action is borrowed, distributed, suggested, influenced, dominated, betrayed, and translated. Actions through accounts, trials, differences, and transformation give a meaningful argument about detectable frame of reference to any given agency. Yet, realize that what is doing the action may be something other than human.

\n

Objects have agency -- Uncertainty #3

\n

Social means a type of link that constitutes a social tie that creates movement, displacement, transformation, translation, or enrollment. It is an association between entities that creates a difference with another. \"Thus, social, for ANT, is the name of a type of momentary association which is characterized by the way it gathers together into new shapes\" (p. 65).

\n

\"The project of ANT is simply to extend the list and modify the shapes and figures of those assembled as participants and to design a way to make them act as a durable whole\" (p. 72).

\n

However, objects help trace social connections only intermittently. This creates a situation where it is difficult to follow both continuity and discontinuity among modes of action. Rather than allowing intermittent actors to distract a researcher, one should take non-humans into account only as long as it is measurable, then accept, possibly a moment later, that it is no longer commensurable.

\n

A list of situations where an object's activity is made easily visible (become mediators)

\n
    \n
  1. Study innovations
    2. \n
  2. Routine, traditional, and silent implements when rendered ignorant and clumsy by distance
    3. \n
  3. Accidents, breakdowns, and strikes
    4. \n
  4. When objects have receded into the background, they are more difficult to view. Use documents, archives, memoirs, museum collections to artificially produce a state in which machines, devices, and implements were born.
    5. \n
\n

Matters of Fact vs. Matters of Concern -- Uncertainty #4

\n

Existing theory does not reveal the whole picture. As a result, Latour has concluded:

\n
    \n
  1. \"A thorough sociology of science is perfectly possible--against the philosophers of science and in agreement with the whole of science studies.
    2. \n
  2. Such a sociology cannot be limited to the superficial and social context of science--against those who wish to limit the ambitions of their discipline to the study of scientists and who voluntarily shun away from the technical and cognitive content.
    3. \n
  3. Scientific practice is too hard to be cracked by ordinary social theory and a new one has to be devised which can be used to throw a new light on 'softer' topics as well--against our colleagues in the field of science studies who chose not to see the threat to their original discipline raised by their own work\" (p. 96).
    4. \n
\n

Defining an actor-network -- Uncertainty #5

\n

A good ANT account is a description or narrative where all the actors do something and do more that sit there. When actors are treated as mediators, rather than intermediaries, they \"render the movement of the social visible to the reader\" (p. 128). If an actor makes no difference, it is not an actor. A network, on the other hand, is a tool to describe something, not an object that is being described. A network is not a durable substance, but a trace left behind by some moving agent. In order to proceed, keep track of all movements, even those that deal with the production of the account. Everything is data, including a phone call to an interviewee, a first appointment with an advisor, the correction made by a client on a grant proposal, what students do during lecture, and the time they check a box on a questionnaire.

\n

Latour recommends that data should be recorded in four logbooks:

\n
    \n
  1. The first notebook is used as a log of the enquiry, itself.
    2. \n
  2. A second notebook is used to gather information in a chronological order and categorize them into more and more refined ideas and subideas.
    3. \n
  3. A third notebook should be used for writing trials.
    4. \n
  4. The fourth notebook should record the effects of your written account.
    5. \n
\n

How to do research

\n

Action is always dislocated, articulated, delegated, and translated. If an observer follows the action, she will be led away to some other place, time, and agency that appear to have molded the interaction into shape.

\n

Consider at once the actor and the network in which it is embedded, while ignoring the ideas of Context and Structure. Follow the small things that happen, those things with a continuous trail. Watch for the scale as created by the actor, alone. Allow actors to interpret the setting in which they are located.

\n

Obtain complete human actors by piecing together the many successive layers that are distinct from the rest.

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Laboratory studies does not research the creation of scientific facts and technical artifacts by analyzing the final products, a computer, a nuclear bomb, a cosmological theory, the shape of DNA's double helix, or a bottle of insulin. Instead, this line of research follows the scientists and engineers at the times and places where they design a nuclear bomb, modify the theorized structure of a hormone that may be integral to diabetes, build a desktop computer, or create a cosmological theory. Laboratory studies study what happens in the production of final products; they watch science in the making where objects are unfinished and unstable. Rather than black boxing the technical aspects of science and then looking for social influences and biases, it is much simpler to look at science before the box closes and become black and mysterious. By breaking open a black box and looking at its components, one cannot determine the characteristics and processes used in creating the final product.

\n

To determine the perfection or hardening of an object, researchers look at the transformation it goes through later in the hands of others because the fate of facts and machines is in the hands of others. For example, scientists use literature reviews and machine outputs to back up their final statements about findings. By creating an argument through authority, scientists are more likely to convince a reader. If readers are not convinced of an argument, or they do not read it because it is in a lesser journal, then a scientific object may weaken and fail to become a fact. However, scientists who believe an argument may then use it in their own research while furthering or modifying the statement. This continuance and modification of a scientific finding then strengthens and hardens a scientific object into a fact. The ultimate status, or hardening, of a fact is determined by later statements.

\n

Rules of Method

\n
    \n
  1. \"We study science in action and not ready made science or technology; to do so, we either arrive before the facts and machines are blackboxed or we follow the controversies that reopen them.
    2. \n
  2. To determine the objectivity or subjectivity of a claim, the efficiency or perfection of a mechanism, we do not look for their intrinsic qualities but at all the transformations they undergo later in the hands of others. (Chap 1)
    3. \n
  3. Since the settlement of a controversy is the cause of Nature's representation, not its consequence, we can never use this consequence, Nature, to explain how and why a controversy has been settled. (Chap 2)
    4. \n
  4. Since the settlement of a controversy is the cause of Society's stability, we cannot use Society to explain how and why a controversy has been settled. We should consider symmetrically the efforts to enroll human and non-human resources. (Chap 3)
    5. \n
  5. We have to be undecided as the various actors we follow as to what technosciece is made of; every time an inside/outside divide is built, we should study the two sides simultaneously and make the list, no matter how long and heterogeneous, of those who do the work. (Chap 4)
    6. \n
  6. Confronted with the accusation of irrationality, we look neither at what rule of logic has been broken, nor at what structure of society could explain the distortion, but to the angle and direction of the observer's displacement, and to the length of the network thus being built. (Chap 5)
    7. \n
  7. Before attributing any special quality to the mind or to the method of people, let us examine first the many ways through with inscriptions are gathered, combined, tied together and sent back. Only if there is something unexplained once the networks have been studied shall we start to speak of cognitive factors. (Chap 6)\"
    8. \n
\n

Principles

\n
    \n
  1. \"The fate of facts and machines is in later users' hands; their qualities are thus a consequence, not a cause, of a collective action.
    2. \n
  2. Scientists and engineers speak in the name of new allies that they have shaped and enrolled; representatives among other representatives, they add these unexpected resources to tip the balance of force in their favor.
    3. \n
  3. We are never confronted with science, technology and society, but with a gamut of weaker and strong associations; thus understanding what facts and machines are is the same task as understanding who the people are.
    4. \n
  4. The more science and technology have an esoteric content, the further they extend outside; thus, 'science and technology' is only a subset of technoscience.
    5. \n
  5. Irrationality is always an accusation by someone building a network over someone else who stands in the way; thus, there is no Great Divide between minds, but only shorter and longer networks; harder facts are not the rule but the exception, since they are needed only in a very few cases to displace others on a large scale out of their usual ways.
    6. \n
  6. History of technoscience is in large part the history of the resources scattered along networks to accelerate the mobility, faithfulness, combination and cohesion of traces that make action at a distance possible.\"
    7. \n
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Bruno Latour, a French philosopher, spent two years observing and studying the scientists at The Salk Institute for biological Studies. 

\n

This research became groundbreaking and important because this was one of the first anthropological studies of scientific work. He found that a statement can be transformed to a fact through conversational modalities within the lab then through the use of documents which make unnecessary the use of modalities.

\n

Latour was an outside observer who was not trained in the biological sciences. However, he studied the literature and history of the peptide studied in this lab to gain greater understanding of why so much time, money, and effort was put toward its research. He detailed the steps taken and number of research samples needed by the chemist in order to isolate the peptide compound. Then he reported that the chemist was able to isolate pure peptide and compare it against the synthetic compound using the innovative lab machinery. They were effectively the same, and the literature reflected its status change to a fact.

\n

He described having to learn about the science of peptides and how the lab works by recording information in his notebooks. He used tables to clarify how scientists relate to citations. Over the months, he gathered documents, figures, and notes that allowed him to better understand what was happening in the lab.

\n

He became immersed in the research by setting up an assay or preparing frog specimen sections and recording readings from the \"reflectometer.\" He took the results from this machine, drew a curve, and took it into the Ph.D. wherein he argued about what it meant.

\n

Latour found himself very similar to the scientist in that he was addressed as \"doctor,\" possessed protocol books and slides, submitted papers, and met colleagues at conferences. But he also felt isolated and alone in his role as observer and social researcher. He later felt there was little difference between himself and the scientists.

\n

Latour recorded and quantified the number of citations generated by each scientist. He kept track of which employee did each task in the research process and who wrote what type of text. Lab technicians wrote many test results in lab notebooks, and Ph.D.s used many journal articles to help them write up the research summary for publication. Some researcher published a few articles, but three published about 50/year.

\n

He taped and transcribed discussions of scientists in the laboratory; he also interviewed and transcribed scientists from the lab. Histories of the biochemistry and scientists became an important area of study to ascertain the development of theories.

\n

The research group changed in structure by both losing and gaining people, including chemists and Ph.D. scientists. Group structure had an impact on the success of their research findings. When several scientists left, they did not find a new substance for a couple of years.

\n

The strength of relationship between an object and statements about the object results from the splitting and inversion of a statement within the laboratory's social context.

\n

Information construction occurs, within this laboratory, by transforming a set of equally probably statements into a set of unequally probable statements by drawing on the activities of persuasion (agonistic) and writing (construction).

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Winner argues that the development and use of technology involves more than technology driving social change. He posits that technology is socially constructed. However, we have so socially constructed technology as to make technology the fundamental constructive influence in our lives.

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The long-standing emphasis to improve education became the impetus in the 1980s by science educators to apply STS principles to teaching and learning. Student-centered learning became the sought-after outcome.

\n

STS principles in education involve problem solving, questioning, inquiring, and finding interest. Knowledge cannot simply be transferred and lead to understanding. Knowledge is not passive, instead it is constructed through internal organization and reorganization. Group learning promotes discussion and problem solving that creates new and revised internal knowledge structures.

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Science and Technology Studies (STS) looks at how things are constructed.

\n

Social contructivism provides three assumptions about science and technology:

\n
    \n
  1. Science and technology are social.
    2. \n
  2. They are active; construction requires activity.
    3. \n
  3. They do not provide a direct route from nature to ideas about nature (because social activity intervenes). The products of science and technology are not natural, in themselves.
    4. \n
\n

During the 1970s, researchers such as Harry Collins, Karin Knorr Cetina, Bruno Latour, Michael Lynch, and Sharon Traweek, simultaneously adopted the novel approach to science research by moving into laboratories and using ethnographic methodologies. Early laboratory ethnographies highlighted the skills involved in even the most mundane tasks of in-lab manipulation and observation (Latour & Woolgar, 1979; Collins, 1985; Zenzen & Restivo, 1982). Knorr Cetina (1981) and Lynch (1985) found that scientists used conversation to negotiate the nature of data and other results, while working toward results and arguments that were publishable. The ethnomethology of laboratory work involves ordinary actions within laboratory settings where culture determines what work is valued and what style of action is acceptable. As a result, the construction of data is heavily involved with skills and cultures within laboratories where routine negotiation is needed to create acceptable results.

\n

Pinch and Bijker (1987) transferred the ideas of construction of scientific knowledge methods and epistemologies to the study of technology.

\n

The high church of science and technology studies might be seen as purely academic work whereas the low church may be political or advocacy work in terms of a double distinction.

\n

Experts may be seen as the right decision makers because they possess the relevant knowledge that nonexperts lack. According to Sismondo, there are different forms of expertise. Contributory expertise allows for meaningful participation within controversies, whereas interactional expertise allows for meaningful interaction with and between contributing experts. Referred expertise is the assessment of contributory expertise (Collins and Evans, 2002). However, the importance of expertise differs between cultures and countries.

\n

Latour sees nature and politics as two separate domains with their only connection being that nature provides constraints on politics.

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