\"Although accurate statistics are difficult to obtain,recent research suggests that Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander people have always been early adopters of technology and use social media at rates higher than non-Indigenous Australians, with more than60per cent of Indigenous people in specifically ‘remote ’communities active social media users (Callinan2014). Even in the most ‘remote’ areas of Australia,mobile technologies are becoming increasingly commonplace. \" (1)
\n\" all participants reported unpleasant,painful and disruptive experiences on social media.Their engagement with social media operated not within a neutral space, but within a multi-layered terrain of cultural beliefs and practices, relationships with many kinds of communities, constant interactions with hostile others, and exposure to many forms of often harmful materials. There were experiences of direct aggression, often with people influenced by racist ideas, and participants reported feeling more, rather than less, alone online. Clearly,‘being Indigenous online’ is no simple matter. \" (1)
\n\"Users said they expressed Indigeneity through engaging in a range of online practices. Often this was achieved through openly asserting one’s heritage or kin through their social media profiles, particularly on Facebook and Twitter, where users can provide details or a brief description of ‘who they are’,including their nation/clan or country of birth.\" (3)
\n\"But ‘identifying’ online was not always a straightforward matter. Participants often expressed mixed views about being ‘openly Indigenous’ on social media. Just over half (52%) of survey respondents indicated they had been intentionally selective with what they post on social network sites in regard to their identity. \" (4)
\n\"While social media facilitated the expression of new and existing forms of Indigenous identities, ‘identifying online’ could also create issues around personal safety.\" (4)
\n\"The small amount of research on social media and Indigenous communities has found mixed results. Undoubtedly, social media has become a platform through which community members can (re)connect. Rennie, Hogan and Holcombe-James (2016:18) recently reported: ‘For Aboriginal people living in a remote town such as Tennant Creek, social networking can go beyond socialising into important instances of reconnection’. In a similar vein, Rice et al. (2016:10)found that ‘social media can help form communities that people may not otherwise have the opportunity to connect with’. Family and kin separated through voluntary or forced relocation have been able to(re)produce new connections online.However, the potentially damaging effects of social media in Indigenous communities have received extensive media coverage.\" (5)
\n\"Responses to whether social media could ever facilitate a specifically ‘Indigenous community’ were diverse. Eighty-one per cent of survey respondents indicated they felt a sense of being a member of an Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander community online, with the vast majority also indicating that they engaged with other Indigenous people and groups in ways that could be construed as ‘community-forming’. Almost all (94%) had used social network sites to connect with Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander friends or family across distances\" (5)
\n\"We see here again the complex relationship many users have with social media. It clearly enables them to connect across distance, which takes on a particularly significant function for a population who have experienced high rates of forced removal from family and community. Some participants suggested that social media facilitates the continuation of community and acts as a seamless extension of community life. Others, however, articulated a more limited role for social media in community suggesting that although it helps to maintain connections, it cannot be considered ‘community’ in its own right. This view supports the need to take culturally specific meanings of ‘community’ into account in social media research, particularly in relation to responsibilities to Country.\" (7)
\n\"When asked whether social media sustained new Indigenous communities, one survey respondent explained: ‘I think everything evolves. Our culture speaks of “meeting place”... online spaces are just a new “meeting place”’ (female, 35–44, Sydney). \" (6)
\n\"As might be expected, participants also had concerns about social media’s role in community. In particular,apprehension was expressed that practices of ‘online communities’ might replace physical connection to Country and community. As one survey respondent explained, ‘For some, it can take away onus to engage directly, and spend time on Country’ (male, 25–34, Sydney). Another said that social media produced a diminished form of ‘community’, stating: ‘being indigenous is about community contact face-to-face’ (genderqueer, 45–54, Sydney, survey).\" (6)
\n\"Social media can occupy a unique position in smaller communities, such as in the remote South Australian Pitjantjatjara Anangu community described here, which had a range of online practices that we did not see elsewhere. The community differed significantly from all other sites in our research: it had a relatively stable population of around 300 who mostly spoke Pitjantjatjara as a first or primary language. \" (8) high rates of smartphone usage, no racism on the community FB page. \"There were concerns that social media use was leading to anti-social practices that were affecting the wellbeing of users and the liveliness of the community.\" (8)
\n\"While there were many similarities in social media use for this community when compared to the broader population, such as using it to stay connected to distant others, there were locally specific practices that remain undocumented in academic research. This points towards the importance of paying attention to locally specific social media practices of distinct Indigenous communities.\" (8)
\n\"there were similarly mixed responses to questions relating to the intersection between social media and cultural knowledges and practices. Survey respondents, for example, overwhelmingly agreed that social media offered a good platform for learning about and engaging in cultural practices ( 71 %). However, the majority of both survey respondents and interview participants also expressed concerns around cultural practice, expression and knowledge online, particularly in relation to the breaking of cultural protocol, the danger of cultural appropriation and the misattribution of culture. In interviews, participants described a range of cultural practices with which they engaged in online. The use of ‘closed groups’ on Facebook to share particular knowledges (such as language and stories) between a closed community of users was particularly common. In these instances, it was clear that social technologies were facilitating forms of cultural knowledge translation. \" (9)
\n\"Participants also had concerns around the use of social media for cultural practices, with 64 per cent of survey respondents expressing concern about sharing Indigenous cultural information on social media. When asked to explain why, the most common worries related to Sorry Business, particularly the naming and sharing of images of deceased persons without adequate permission. \" (11)
\n\"Concerns about culture extended beyond Sorry Business to include the sharing of other sensitive knowledges. As one survey respondent explained: ‘Some things like traditional hunting techniques practised by my sons I feel are not appropriate for non-Indigenous people to view’ (female, 45 – 54 , Cooktown). The appropriation of Indigenous and other minority cultures is an issue often debated in mainstream media. For many participants in this study, appropriation was an ever-present concern. As one survey respondent explained: ‘You see that there are a lot of non-Indigenous people that pick up that information and then start using it’ (male, 25 – 34 , Redfern). Another case involved someone setting up Facebook ‘fan sites’ for significant Indigenous figures without permission. As an interviewee explained, in this case ‘someone else is assuming the right to the story of that person, how they’ve changed stuff. And that’s not right’ (female, 37 , Melbourne).\" (11)
\n\"In particular, it appears that abiding by and enforcing cultural protocols becomes complicated online, with participants repeatedly stating the need to continue cultural protocol on social media. As one participant responded, when asked about how this should occur in practice, ‘permission, permission, and permission’ (male, 35 – 44 , Dharawal, survey). \" (11)
\n\"racism, a form of semiotic, structural violence, is common in online spaces where users can voice racist beliefs often behind the cloak of anonymity and ‘humour’ (Matamoros-Fernández, 2017 ).\" (12)
\n\"It is perhaps not surprising that 88 per cent of survey respondents have seen examples of racism towards Indigenous people on social media. One survey respondent explained the many forms that this can take: ‘Often the comment section of a news article on Aboriginal people is the worst. Massive stereotyping of Aboriginal people. Racist memes being shared. YouTube videos taken without permission of Aboriginal people’ (female, 25 – 34 , Penrith). More than a third of survey respondents had personally been subjected to direct racism. More seriously again, 21 per cent had received threats by other users on social media, and 17 per cent indicated these had impacted their ‘offline’ lives. \" (12)
\n\"However, some participants challenged the distinction between seeing racism online and being directly subjected to racism, with one survey respondent explaining: ‘I’d argue that to witness racism directed at Aboriginal peoples is to experience racism, so any racist or stereotypical remark is something shared by us all’ (male, 35 – 44 , Dharawal). Another corroborated: ‘It is often indirect but I experience it as personal racism’ (female, 25 – 34 , Woy Woy, survey)\" (12)
\n\"However, our participants were not passive victims of racism online, with several describing the distinct strategies they use for responding to (or pre-empting) racism. As discussed previously, this often took the (non-ideal) form of self-censorship: ‘I find that it’s sometimes safer to not identify as Aboriginal due to discrimination/prejudices’ (male, 25 – 34 , Wurundjeri/ Boonerwrung, survey). Others felt a kind of duty to respond to racist comments with information. As one survey respondent more optimistically suggested: ‘Also it is a good medium to fight racism too’ (female, 25 – 34 , Woy Woy). Another explained: ‘Often I simply provide information to contradict the racism, unless it is so blatantly stupid it simply need be reported then ignored’ (male, 35 – 44 , Dharawal, survey). One participant said she ‘make[s] sure that what I post is real information and can be backed up with the true facts’ (female, 35 – 44 , Launceston, survey). Others ‘unfriended’ people who post racist comments or reported them to Facebook authorities. For some Indigenous Facebook users, engaging with racist content online can cause a form of fatigue. They decide not to engage at all with this kind of content, and instead learn to be disaffected. As one interviewee explained, ‘personally I just don’t get involved at all. I just think, Okay, that’s their issue, I’m not going to say anything’ (male, 18 – 24 , Perth). Recent research has linked this continual contact with negative, offensive and violent content with a kind of trauma (Carlson et al. 2017 ). In another sense, this constitutes its own form of political silencing through overburdening. \" (13)
\n\"Recent research has suggested that Facebook and other social media technologies have become a source of concern among Indigenous communities because of their capacity to facilitate connections and discourse outside of traditional kin relations. Kral ( 2014 : 185 ) suggests ‘the gerontocratic norms of the past are undergoing a profound disturbance where the patterned habitual practice of elders exercising authority and exerting social control is under challenge’ (see also Vaarzon-Morel 2014 ). Because young people have easy access to social media and, increasingly, mobile technologies, there are more opportunities for them to interact beyond the surveillance of adults. This has led Kral ( 2014 : 185 ) to conclude that ‘these factors are coalescing in an environment where the socially sanctioned capacities for conflict resolution are not as evident as they once were’. \" (13)
\n\"young Indigenous people are using their online networks for what could be described as informal help-seeking (Lumby & Farrelly 2009 ). \" (15)
\nSECTION ON ONLINE POLITICAL ACTIVISM (17 ON)
\n\"The technologies used for organising and conducting activism have transformed greatly over the decades and it is not surprising there are a rapidly increasing number of Indigenous political movements prominent on social media.\" (17)
\n\"Scholars are becoming increasingly interested in the politics of Indigenous activism in Australia. In recent years, a growing number of Facebook pages and Twitter handles have emerged that seek to advance the rights of Indigenous Australians, such as IndigenousX (a rotating Twitter account that aims to amplify diverse Indigenous voices) and the recently disbanded Recognise campaign (which sought to promote the idea of constitutional recognition of Indigenous peoples). However, assessing the actual impact of online activism is not a straightforward matter. When critically analysing some of these prominent online political movements, Dreher, McCallum and Waller ( 2016 ) found abundant evidence of Indigenous social media users engaging in policy discussions online, but also expressed uncertainty that they were ‘being heard in the key spheres of influence – mainstream media and policy-makers’ ( 2016 : 34 ). Thus, although online political movements might reach a substantial audience, it is difficult to extrapolate their impact at the policy level. \" (17)
\n\"In a more recent development, different political groups are increasingly forging connections based on common causes. For instance, Black Lives Matter – a movement in the United States that campaigns against systemic racism and violence against Black Americans, particularly by law enforcement – has sprouted local offshoots in Australia, with significant social media followings (Clarke 2016 ). It is apparent that Indigenous people identify with the discriminatory structures that Black Lives Matter is campaigning to end. Similarly, Idle No More – a Canadian First Nations political group that has used Facebook and Twitter to advocate for the end to violence against Indigenous women and girls and the erosion of land rights – has inspired local ‘chapters’ across Australia 2 , as Indigenous Australians face similar challenges in systematically ignored claims to sovereignty and experiences of oppression.\" (17)
\n\"The #SOSBlakAustralia movement, a protest against the proposed forced closures of remote Aboriginal communities across Western Australia, has also found a vast network of support across the globe (see Carlson & Frazer 2016 ). Drawing on the capacities of social media to inform users of the government’s plan to shut down remote communities, the movement was able to mobilise tens of thousands of Australians to march in capital cities and regional centres around the country, under the banner of #SOSBlakAustralia (Cook 2015 ).\" (18)
\n\"In Australia, Petray ( 2013 ) argues that ‘self-writing’, for instance, where Indigenous social media users express themselves online, constitutes a form of everyday political action. Through self-expression, she notes, racist stereotypes may be challenged and diverse Indigenous voices trouble any notion of a single ‘Indigenous identity’. There is a very real sense that, for many Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander Australians, simply being Indigenous online is a political act. \" (18)
\n\"‘Micropolitical’ acts also include the creation and sharing of different types of online content. For example, the Aboriginal activist Facebook group Blackfulla Revolution uses their platform to distribute content to a substantial audience that challenges the dominant (colonial) narrative. To take one example, they produced and published a set of Internet memes that aimed to reveal the violent ideologies and practices that underpin Australia as a colonial nation (see Frazer & Carlson 2017 ). \" (18)
\n\"The survey results demonstrated that participants were actively engaging in politics through social media by asking Indigenous social media users: ‘Have you ever supported a political cause on social network sites?’. The vast majority indicated they were politically active online, with an overwhelming 79 per cent of respondents answering ‘yes’, only 15 per cent answering ‘no’ and 5 per cent ‘not sure’. Those supporting political causes expressed a wide range of interests and standpoints, which often conflicted.\" (18)
\n\"Online activities included liking pages; sharing information, links and events; signing online petitions; posting comments and ‘reposting’ statuses; and donating funds. The results show that political involvement in Indigenous issues is not just limited to activities on social media, but blends with offline activism in a wide variety of traditional activist and microactivist practices.\" (18)
\n\"despite the burgeoning use of social media by Indigenous people, participation in political activities online is not unproblematic and is, at times, met with reservations about ‘politicising’ online spaces. These misgivings include restrictions on social media commentary by employers, and fear of the consequences if not followed, and racism from political opponents. However, our findings suggest there are sustained, widespread and highly diverse political engagements among Indigenous social media users. \" (19)
\n[end political activism section]
\n\"while there has been growing academic interest in Indigenous political activism online, no work has yet explored the connections between Indigenous groups across different countries. As we discussed in the final section of this report, clear links are being made between the political causes of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, Native Americans, Canadian First Nations and Black Americans. The local Australian offshoots of ‘Black Lives Matter’ and ‘Idle No More’ show that Indigenous people are making connections between forms of colonial and imperialist violence globally – including police brutality, the neglect of Indigenous communities, the forced removal of children from their families, the theft of land and culture, and the lack of meaningful political representation. Through social media, diverse Indigenous and other minority groups are forging new alliances across distance – a phenomenon that warrants much greater attention.\" (22)
\n
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\"one aspect of digital surveillance that has received little attention in critical internet studies and feminist scholarship is the opportunities that social media technologies provide men to monitor and disrupt feminist activity online. Alongside a consideration of male-dominated corporations and male-dominated governments, individual men are also able to shape the development of feminist activism. While the harassment of women online is receiving more critical attention, the implications of men’s surveillance of women’s political action is yet to be accounted for.\" (1-2)
\n\" The harassment of women online is more frequent,and qualitatively different, to that which men receive—amounting to surveillance when theorised at the collective level. This article critically interrogates the claim that social media technologies have provided women with new opportunities to challenge male dominance, and instead asks how male “techniques of watching” (Andrejevic2015, ix) are shaping the type of feminist activism which emerges from these platforms\" (2)
\n\"As a recent report from the US-based Barnard Centre for Research on Women claims, social media has reanimated feminist activism, and enabled increasing numbers of women to “share their stories and analysis, raise awareness and organize collective actions, and discuss difficult issues” across cultural, geographical, and generational lines (Courtney Martin and Jessica Valenti 2012, 6).\" (2)
\n\"In this article, I move beyond the celebratory rhetorics of online (or so-called fourth wave) feminism, and seek to bring insights from feminist surveillance literature into conversation with the fields of social movement and critical internet studies.\" (2)
\n\"Over the last two decades both feminist studies and social science research into women’s political activism online have tended to promote liberatory notions of digital communications and technocultures, which underwrite current narratives of the fourth wave. While early feminist critiques of information communications technologies strongly evidenced sex-based imbalances in ICT accessibility and use, Liesbet van Zoonen (2001, 67) notes that“models of male dominance” were rapidly usurped by cyberfeminist accounts that privilegedthe radical, utopian possibilities of the internet and cybernetics for women. \" (3)
\n\"In the wake of Haraway’s influence, recent social science approaches to studying feminist politics online have often focused on the scope of women’s achievements—plotting the connections in their social media networks, highlighting individual examples of female agency and expression, and celebrating the visibility of feminist activists in online spaces (Frances Shaw 2012,2013; Jessalynn Marie Keller 2012; Anita Harris 2008)\" (3) [this doesn't seem like an entirely fair characterisation of the literature]
\nalso other work that looks at social media as 'tools of control' (3)
\n\"Within feminist new media studies, scholars have also begun to discuss the politics of online visibility for women (Hasinoff 2014; Kingston Mann2014; Portwood-Stacer2014;Levina2014). Larisa Kingston Mann (2014, 293), for example, notes that participation in online debates can expose women to unwanted scrutiny “voluntarily and involuntarily” and that experiences of digital oppression can assist marginalised groups to develop an analysi sof the dangers of public exposure.\" (4)
\n\"The common assumption that social media platforms provide marginalised groups with more power to bypass and challenge cultural gatekeepers than traditional media is being challenged by digital cultures research. Social media platforms are imbued with “explicit and implicit norms [with built in] cultural presumptions about taste and etiquette” (TarletonGillespie2015, 1). According to Tarleton Gillespie, it is critical to acknowledge that in their technical, economic, and political design platforms “pick and choose” what ideas are accessible and socially appropriate. Facebook and Twitter moderation teams then decide which contentious content is allowed to circulate, and what is deleted, often refusing to remove what women report as misogynistic posts and categorising content promoting violence against women as “controversial humour” (Catherine Buni and Soraya Chemaly2014) rather than hate speech. \" (5)
\n\" Algorithms and bots pose a unique problem for feminist activists and movement building, because women cannot ensure movement materials reach their target audiences. Thus, social media platforms actively, but not always transparently, perpetuate patriarchal values. The encoding of male bias in platforms and practices should be of greater concern to feminist scholarship, particularly as a range of studies now suggest that violence against women, including exposure to sexual harassment and violent pornography, is an inescapable part of the female digital experience (Barbara Ritter 2009; Citron 2014, 2009; Mary Anne Franks 2012; Megarry 2014; Jane 2012; Corinne Mason and Shoshana Magnet 2012; Nicola Henry and Anastasia Powell 2015).\" (5)
\n\"Discussions of fourth-wave feminism remain conceptually undeveloped (Evans2015), centring on the opportunities provided b ythe internet for feminist activism and political participation, rather than suggesting any marked departure from third-wave politics.\" (5)
\n\"recent claims that the feminist use of social media represent the 21st-cen-tury’s version of consciousness-raising (Rosemary Clark2014; Shaw2012; Keller2012;Crossley2015) are surprising given that women are now attempting to discuss social change and build theory in largely public, mixed sex, proprietary environments. The Barnard Centrereport exemplifies the conflation, acknowledging that small consciousness-raising group of 8–10women were the “backbone” of second-wave feminism, but nonetheless proposing that the politically equivalent process is occurring on social media with a “network of thou-sands” (Martin and Valenti 2012). Clearly these are qualitatively different interactions in different spaces, with social media communications limiting the possibility for feminists to organise in closed or secure forums free from male influence.\" (6)
\n\"Feminist scholar Julia Long (2015, 149) has recently noted the lack of value attached to women-only activism in digital feminism, and questioned how women can examine and reject patriarchal ideologies when they are busy “involving, engaging and ‘educating’ men”about feminist issues. \" (6)
\n\"Social media technologies bring women’s politics into public spaces which are structured by male-owned and male-controlled global corporations. In such a context, the process of feminist consciousness-raising becomes increasingly complex because women are required to respond to men’s demands rather than developing their own political reflections. While social media platforms provide another avenue for women to access feminist discussions and mobilisations, their connectedness and visibility is contingent, and circumscribed by institutionalised forms of male power.\" (6)
\n\"How then might we better theorise the operation of male power in social media networks?According to Christian Fuchs (2014, 8), a critical analysis of social media can expose the economic power relations that operate in digital communications environments, helping us to understand “who benefits and who is disadvantaged.” Fuchs, however, pays limited attention to feminism, as does other critical internet research (José van Dijck 2012; Fuchs2014; Geert Lovink 2008, 2011). \" (6)
\n\"I take up Nancy Fraser’s (1985, 97) proposition that a critical social theory should explore all forms of control and exploitation at play in feminist struggles, and the implications of women’s subordinate status in patriarchal societies for their capacity to mobilise resistance or social change. An explicitly feminist approach also necessitates that the behaviour of men remains central to the analysis, as it is through “exposing male domination as domination that feminism poses its major challenge” (Denise Thompson 2001, 8)\" (7)
\n\"Critical analyses of social media activism and the “structuring effects of state and corporate control” (Aswin Punathambekar et al. 2014, 10) have done much to flag and conceptualise the troubling implications of global corporate and government surveillance for user privacy and security, and for political activism (Fuchs 2013; Morozov 2011; Trottier and Fuchs 2014). Their failure to probe the dangers of online surveillance from a female perspective, however, reveals the continued privileging of a male user as the neutral research subject.\" (7)
\n\"Broadening the risks of social media surveillance beyond physical and economic abuse to include the ways in which patriarchal culture also enacts symbolic violence against women allows for a more robust conceptualisation of feminists’ experience of male dominance online.\" (7)
\n\"Hoaxing is another area of deceptive surveillance on social media. Men have impersonated lesbians online in order to infiltrate and undermine women-centric spaces (Cochrane2011). Men have also used social media platforms to gain access to women who are trying to escape them by tracking her whereabouts using the profiles of family and friends(Woodlock2016). Furthermore, police have reported the recent phenomenon of men creating digital footprints of consent after raping a woman (Owen Bowcott2015). By posting benign thank you messages after an assault, and framing the circumstances in their favour, perpetrators hope that in event of a complaint or trial, they can draw on these “false narratives” to make a case against the credibility of the victim\" (8)
\n\"The visibility of feminist activism on social media then offers men new opportunities to watch, intervene in, and derail women’s attempts at digitally mediated consciousness-raising.Two examples serve to illustrate how male surveillance is influencing the conduct and focus of feminist action on social media platforms: feminist commentator Anita Sarkeesian’s treatment by so-called Gamergaters, and the male-friendly promotional strategies of Free the Nipple, a Twitter-based anti-censorship campaign.\" (8)
\n\"The dangers of digital surveillance for feminist activism is not simply that every like, retweet, and Facebook post can be sold to advertisers, but that these digital footprints also provide individual men with the means to remotely access and immediately interfere in sites of feminist speech. \" (9)
\ncites sheila jeffreys urgh page 10
\n", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-04-05T19:26:31Z", "dateModified": "2018-04-18T06:45:31Z" } }, { "key": "SVMULAVX", "version": 2180, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 61482, "name": "Mapping Movements", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/61482/items/SVMULAVX", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements/items/SVMULAVX", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 28392, "username": "scroeser", "name": "Sky Croeser", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/scroeser", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Megarry", "parsedDate": "2017-10-30", "numChildren": 2 }, "data": { "key": "SVMULAVX", "version": 2180, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "Under the watchful eyes of men: theorising the implications of male surveillance practices for feminist activism on social media", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Jessica", "lastName": "Megarry" } ], "abstractNote": "While early internet research often explored social media’s potential for increasing political participation, scholars are now problematising the manifestations of state and corporate control over political activism in these spaces. Yet despite an increased academic focus on the shape and implications of online power relations, there is a noticeable lack of critical theory that considers how strategies of male dominance on social media platforms influence feminist activism. This article conceptualises individual men as monitorial actors invested in surveilling feminist speech online, and brings together literature from within feminist, social movement, and critical internet studies to address this research gap. Situating contemporary feminist activist tactics in relation to second-wave priorities, this article extends current conceptualisations of the dangers of social media surveillance practices for political action. It draws on recent examples of online feminist organising to elucidate the ways in which social media platforms provide men with increased opportunities to surveil feminist activity. The article calls for further research into the ways in which male surveillance practices on social media platforms are shaping women’s ability to organise for social change.", "publicationTitle": "Feminist Media Studies", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "October 30, 2017", "volume": "0", "issue": "0", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1-16", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1080/14680777.2017.1387584", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2017.1387584", "accessDate": "2018-04-05T19:21:54Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "1468-0777", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "Under the watchful eyes of men", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "Taylor and Francis+NEJM", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Feminist theory", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "feminist activism", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "free the nipple" }, { "tag": "gamergate" }, { "tag": "social media", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "surveillance", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "violence against women", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-04-05T19:21:54Z", "dateModified": "2018-04-18T06:44:32Z" } }, { "key": "DWPX6UXQ", "version": 2162, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 61482, "name": "Mapping Movements", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/61482/items/DWPX6UXQ", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements/items/DWPX6UXQ", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/61482/items/2AXIKLPY", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 28392, "username": "scroeser", "name": "Sky Croeser", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/scroeser", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "DWPX6UXQ", "version": 2162, "parentItem": "2AXIKLPY", "itemType": "note", "note": "
\"feminist studies of internet technologies and cultural practices are still too often identified as peripheral, not especially interesting, and as unpleasant interventions. Feminist examinations of the internet and related technologies are seen as not enough, including not scholarly enough, and as excessively too much. This is especially the case when such analyses interrogate claims about the agentive aspects of the internet, question the behaviors of male participants, and positively consider LGBTQIA+ and women's online cultures.\"
\n\"Technologies and social practices support the idea that the internet and computers should provide heterosexual men with power over disinterested women and female representations. Utopian narratives about men leaving their bodies behind and claims that studies of identity and disenfranchisement are not needed, because everyone is supposed to be equally empowered online, have worked with some academic refusals of feminist, queer, and antiracist approaches.\"
\n\"It is at the site of these effacements of stereotyping and intolerance that the combination of feminist media studies and internet studies can provide critical methods, including questions about spectatorship, point of view, algorithmic identities, and the presumptions of code and computer terms.\"
\n\"In the early 1990s, Susan C. Herring and other scholars started interrogating claims that the gender of online participants was imperceptible and that individuals were unconcerned about traditional identities and treated everyone equitably. Herring provides a history of early feminist writing about the internet and related technologies.5 Such texts and recent literature encourage me to propose that feminist internet studies scholars continue to be concerned about the displacement of gender as an arena of inquiry and the reproduction of normative identities and traditional notions of bodies online. These concerns connect feminist internet studies to broader feminist interests.\"
\n\"While virtual reality designers emphasize control, Margaret Morse highlights the struggling bodies of people engaged with difficult and unclear virtual interfaces.8 New media is often imagined to be intuitive and its operations clear, but instructions and failures are displaced parts of these systems.\"
\n\"Women's online engagements, as Hess notes, are “shaped, and too often limited, by the technology companies that host these threats,” the “enforcement officers who investigate them,” and the “popular commentators who dismiss them.” These arenas are “dominated by men” with little understanding of how women are harassed online.14 We need more feminist collectives to chronicle and counter these oppressive everyday experiences.\"
\n\"The current state of feminist internet studies and its relationship to academic and technology fields suggests that research on convention cultures, including academic settings, is needed. So too are examinations of varied research methodologies and sites of investigation. Feminist media studies scholars might consider the ways humanities methodologies can be tactically deployed to consider the internet. N. Katherine Hayles's study of close, hyper, and machine reading demonstrates how textual analysis is produced in and can be used to analyze these settings.23 Anna Everett's critique of the hypertextual and digital pleasures of clicking, and the associated promises of power and plenitude, could be updated to address the tactile aspects of touch screen interfaces and how swipes function as methods of enticement and dismissal.24 The escalating doxing of feminists, people of color, and LGBTQIA+ folks in internet settings also encourages an address to how traditional beliefs and open communication strategies need to be rethought and counteracted by intersectional feminist collectives.\"
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A reviewer noted that “using feminist cultural theory to critique” touchscreens “is interesting enough,” but the individual was “not convinced this will speak to a broad subset” of the “membership.” Feminist studies have had a significant influence on film and television studies, in many cases becoming canonical texts and shifting critical questions and areas of research. However, feminist studies of internet technologies and cultural practices are still too often identified as peripheral, not especially interesting, and as unpleasant interventions. Feminist examinations of the internet and related technologies are seen as not enough, including not scholarly enough, and as excessively too much. This is especially the case when such analyses interrogate claims about the agentive aspects of the internet, question the behaviors of male participants, and positively consider LGBTQIA+ and women's online cultures.\n\nFeminist internet studies scholars have correlated celebratory narratives about online technologies, men's purported escape from their bodies, and science fiction.1 Cyberpunk literature from the 1980s, including William Gibson's fiction, uses such …", "publicationTitle": "Feminist Media Histories", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2018/04/01", "volume": "4", "issue": "2", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "95-100", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1525/fmh.2018.4.2.95", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://fmh.ucpress.edu/content/4/2/95", "accessDate": "2018-04-18T05:50:53Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "2373-7492", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "en", "libraryCatalog": "fmh.ucpress.edu", "callNumber": "", "rights": "© 2018 by the Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press's Reprints and Permissions web page, http://www.ucpress.edu/journals.php?p=reprints.", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "cyberfeminism", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "doxing", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "embodiment", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "internet", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "online", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-04-18T05:50:53Z", "dateModified": "2018-04-18T05:50:53Z" } }, { "key": "FZA39QQH", "version": 2151, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 61482, "name": "Mapping Movements", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/61482/items/FZA39QQH", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements/items/FZA39QQH", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 28392, "username": "scroeser", "name": "Sky Croeser", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/scroeser", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Caven", "parsedDate": "2013-03", "numChildren": 1 }, "data": { "key": "FZA39QQH", "version": 2151, "itemType": "webpage", "title": "Being Idle No More: The Women Behind the Movement", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Febna", "lastName": "Caven" } ], "abstractNote": "On December 11, 2012, on International Human Rights Day, northern Ontario Attawapiskat Chief Theresa Spence began a hunger strike, calling on Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper and the Governor General David Johnston to “initiate immediate discussions and the development of action plans to address treaty issues with First Nations across Canada.” Her peaceful resistance, emphasizing the importance of dialogue, catapulted the Idle No More movement to a new level of urgency.", "websiteTitle": "Cultural Survival Quarterly", "websiteType": "", "date": "March 2013", "publisher": "", "place": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/being-idle-no-more-women-behind-movement", "accessDate": "2018-04-18T05:48:51Z", "shortTitle": "Being Idle No More", "language": "en", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "#idlenomore" }, { "tag": "Idle No More" }, { "tag": "Indigenous Peoples" }, { "tag": "indigenous feminism" } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-04-18T05:48:51Z", "dateModified": "2018-04-18T05:49:53Z" } }, { "key": "WEXAYUNU", "version": 2152, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 61482, "name": "Mapping Movements", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/61482/items/WEXAYUNU", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements/items/WEXAYUNU", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/61482/items/FZA39QQH", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 28392, "username": "scroeser", "name": "Sky Croeser", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/scroeser", "type": "text/html" } } } }, "data": { "key": "WEXAYUNU", "version": 2152, "parentItem": "FZA39QQH", "itemType": "attachment", "linkMode": "imported_url", "title": "Snapshot", "accessDate": "2018-04-18T05:48:53Z", "url": "https://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/being-idle-no-more-women-behind-movement", "note": "", "contentType": "text/html", "charset": "utf-8", "filename": "being-idle-no-more-women-behind-movement.html", "md5": "2dd3b220387643392e92495006434295", "mtime": 1524030533311, "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-04-18T05:48:53Z", "dateModified": "2018-04-18T05:48:53Z" } }, { "key": "YIL8TV37", "version": 2150, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 61482, "name": "Mapping Movements", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/61482/items/YIL8TV37", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements/items/YIL8TV37", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/61482/items/BFL2TM7Z", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 28392, "username": "scroeser", "name": "Sky Croeser", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/scroeser", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "YIL8TV37", "version": 2150, "parentItem": "BFL2TM7Z", "itemType": "note", "note": "\"Activists and scholars have referred to this type of protest as “hashtag activism” (e.g.,Caitlin Gunn 2015). Those cases concerning gender equity are known as “hashtag feminism,” a practice within the burgeoning sphere of online feminism that has become so widespread in recent years as to merit its own digital archive, hashtagfeminism.com, curated by digital media analyst and commentator Tara L. Conley. The #WhyIStayed protest followed the lead of many other feminist hashtag campaigns, including #EverydaySexism, #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen,and #RapeCultureIsWhen, among others\" (788)
\n\"Recognizing the significance of this new phenomenon,Feminist Media Studies has featured three special sections of essays on the topic. Rosemary Clark (2014), Michaela D. E. Meyer (2014), and Tanya Horeck (2014) highlight hashtag feminists’ ability to intervene on oppressive discourses produced by commercial, news, and entertainment media, respectively. Ryan B. Eagle (2015), Carrie Rentschler (2015), Michelle Rodino-Colocino (2014), Samantha C. Thrift (2014), and Sherri Williams (2015) show that hashtag feminism’s discursive power is vital for activism surrounding violence against women, given the ways in which popular discourse enables a culture in which sexual violence is accepted as part of the norm. ... Although powerful, hashtag feminism is not without risks and limitations. Kristi K. Cole (2015) exposes the violence women may face from misogynist trolls spewing hate speech and threats online, while Heather S. Woods (2014) cautions hashtag feminists against overexposure of vulnerable victims for the sake of political causes. Esma Akyel (2014)and Eleanor T. Higgs (2015) argue that hashtag activism has opened up new spaces for groups who are marginalized or silenced in global feminist movements. Still, Daniela Latina and Stevie Docherty (2014) remind readers that, while Twitter may be a free platform, structures of inequality prevent certain social groups from accessing it. \" (789)
\nAsks: \"What is the process through which a feminist hashtag develops into a highly visible protest? \" (789)
\n\"my case study of #WhyIStayed suggests that in the initial stage, hashtags that express outrage about breaches of gender justice are likely to invite online participation, while the escalation into online collective protest depends on the nature of interaction among multiple actors and their sociopolitical contexts. The dramatic qualities of online participation and interaction are especially conducive to the formation of feminist hashtag protests, given the movement’s historical emphasis on dis-course, language, and storytelling. I draw on the concepts of social drama (Victor Turner 1982), discursive activism (Frances Shaw2012; Stacey Young1997), and connective action(W. Lance Bennett and Alexandra Segerberg 2013) to outline an analytical framework thatcaptures hashtag feminism’s dramatic features.\" (789)
\n#femfuture report: \"Hashtag users critiqued the report for prioritizing dominantly white online spaces and erasing the contributions of marginalized feminists, who work without “institutional counter-parts” or an “infrastructure of support” (Jessica M. Johnson 2013). The report overlooked feminists whose outlets are free social media platforms that enable independent activists to reach audiences without the support of a steady flow of capital. despite the hashtag in its title, the report’s biggest blind spot was Twitter.\" (790)
\n\"digital media have provided feminists of color and feminists working outside of formal organizations with a new, effective means of exposing their work and connecting with others. While feminists of color and those without organizational backing have always been active within feminist movements,these important voices have been marginalized within historical narratives of US feminism’s development. This is due largely to their exclusion from the highly structured,well-resourced, and predominantly white, middle-class organizations that became focal points for feminism during the 1960s and 1970s, such as the National Organization for Women, the Women’s Equity Action League, and the National Women’s Political Caucus, alongside more radical but still structured groups like the New York Radical Women and the Redstockings (Jo Reger 2012). digital media, however, have eclipsed feminist movement organizations, providing access to a visible platform and wide audiences without necessitating membership within a formal organization, league, or caucus. Organizations no longer structure communication within the feminist movement; rather, communication, itself, from blog posts to Twitter hashtags, has become an important organizational structure for the movement\" (790)
\n\" The impetus to move toward a #FemFuture that includes infrastructural support stems from the movement’s tradition of organizational strategies. And yet, as the recent surge of hashtag feminism shows, diverse voices of protest can turn into collective action on Twitter and other online platforms in the absence of traditional forms of feminist organizing. How does digitally mediated discourse grow into collective action without the leadership of structured organizations? What is the political meaning and significance of this phenomenon? I draw on several theoretical concepts to outline an analytical perspective.\" (790)
\n\"The rapidly growing amount of research at the intersection of social movements and digital media has yet to offer a framework that highlights the political nature of the discursive tactics driving online feminism. Online social movement research has demonstrated the role of digital networks in informing activists (Paolo Gerbaudo2012), diffusing political frameworks (Manuel Castells2012), decentralizing leadership (Sandra González-Bailón2014),and decreasing the costs of participation (Jennifer Earl and Katrina Kimport2011). Digitally mediated discourse is typically viewed as a cultural resource to be mobilized for political action offline, as opposed to being political in its own right. Even work that focuses on narratives or feminism has upheld this political/cultural binary, presenting discourse as a framing mechanism for later demonstrations (Francesca Polletta2006), a tool for building collective identities that serve as the foundations for action (Alberto melucci1989), or a resource to maintain ideologies during periods of abeyance (Leila J. Rupp and Verta Taylor1987). This reification of the political/cultural binary is problematic for US feminists, who are motivated by the 1960s-era feminist declaration that the personal is political. Feminist activism relies on articulation to make visible the hegemonic, taken-for-granted power structures that infuse daily life. Feminist social movement research, then, requires frameworks that highlight the political nature of discourse, on- and offline. Shaw (2012) indicts the existing literature for underplaying the political potential of digital activist communities, whose movement activities take place often exclusively online. While most research on social movement actors’ use of digital media focuses on the logistical organization of protests, Shaw argues that online discourse can be a “mode of activism”(373) capable of triggering sociopolitical change with or without the help of collective action offline.\" (791)
\n\n
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Feminist media research, however, has yet to grasp the implications of this new form and social movement research has yet to model the conditions under which activists successfully mobilize online. This article builds on research regarding the potential and limitations of hashtag feminism to consider a question that remains understudied: what is the process through which a feminist hashtag develops into a highly visible protest? Through a case study of #WhyIStayed, which arose in response to a 2014 NFL domestic violence controversy, I frame hashtag feminism as an extension of the movement’s historically rooted discursive tactics. Hashtag feminism’s narrative form implies that the conditions for a successful online feminist protest parallel the elements of an effective dramatic performance. Using data collected from Twitter and news media, I identify the dramatic elements that propelled #WhyIStayed tweets from online personal expressions to online collective action.", "publicationTitle": "Feminist Media Studies", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "September 2, 2016", "volume": "16", "issue": "5", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "788-804", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1080/14680777.2016.1138235", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2016.1138235", "accessDate": "2018-04-11T19:47:40Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "1468-0777", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "“Hope in a hashtag”", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "Taylor and Francis+NEJM", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Hashtag feminism", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Twitter", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "digital media", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "social movements", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-04-11T19:47:41Z", "dateModified": "2018-04-11T19:47:41Z" } }, { "key": "DX4AFJU3", "version": 2138, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 61482, "name": "Mapping Movements", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/61482/items/DX4AFJU3", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mapping_movements/items/DX4AFJU3", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/61482/items/LAP7SVBG", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 28392, "username": "scroeser", "name": "Sky Croeser", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/scroeser", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "DX4AFJU3", "version": 2138, "parentItem": "LAP7SVBG", "itemType": "note", "note": "
\"through the practice of blogging teenage girls are actively reframing what it means to participate in feminist politics, drawing on opportunities that the Internet provides to embrace new understandings of community, activism, and even feminism itself. However, despite the new opportunities provided by online media, I want to position my discussion of girls’ blogging as part of a lengthy history of feminist activism by women and girls, and will attempt to draw connections between older activist practices and contemporary blogs.\" (43)
\n\"Angela McRobbie and Jenny Garber (1991/1978) were the first to problematize girls’ exclusion from subculture theory, arguing in their 1978article ‘Girls and Subcultures’ that the subcultural practices of girls may look different from that of boys, but that they are equally important and worthy of attention. Their articulation of what they call ‘bedroom culture’, which characterizes girls’ cultural practices within their bedrooms as being an important site of resistance to authoritarian control, was foundational in encouraging feminist scholars to examine alternative spaces where girls’ resistance and agency maybe found\" (431)
\n\"my own discussion will be framed around new conceptualizations of communities and networks as central to a feminist activism that crosses between the mainstream and a subcultural social movement space (Garrison 2010).\" (432)
\n\"In her article ‘Young Women, Late Modern Politics, and the Participatory Possibilities of Online Cultures’ Harris (2008b) argues that scholars must,‘take seriously young women’s styles of technology-enabled social and political engagement, as they represent new directions in activism, the construction of new participatory communities, and the development of new kinds of public selves’ (482). Harris’ (2008b) discussion of online do-it-yourself cultures and social networking exemplifies this idea, as she argues that these online participatory communities allow girls to articulate what she calls a ‘public self’ that she argues is the first step in viewing oneself as an agential citizen and political actor.By linking participatory media with the notion of a ‘public self’ and citizenship,Harris (2008b) articulates a framework that allows us to understand the connection between blogging communities and feminist activism.\" (434)
\n\"This is a key point which has often been overlooked in scholarship addressing girls’ online practices and in fact, may provide an important insight into the appeal of online spaces for girls. Girls have been active participants of online culture in part because of the unregulated nature of online space that nonetheless remains a public way to connect with peer communities and express personal interests outside of adult intervention (Harris 2008b). Often times, these independent activities have been trivialized as lacking political rigor or problematized, as in the current moral panics surrounding girls’ Internet use (Harris2008b; Taft 2011). \"
\ngirls as a counterpublic - see p. 435 on
\n\"Natalie’s comment also suggests that community is crucial to the fostering of girls’ feminist identities and ability to engage in feminist activism. Community has always played a role in feminist activism, and feminist communities have often been kept intact due to the circulation of feminist media, such as the suffrage pamphlets of the first wave or the mimeograph publications common in the second wave (Piepmeier 2009). Thus, the connection between community-building and the production of feminist media is significant, despite not being a new phenomenon.\" (436)
\nplayful activism - p. 440 on
\n\"spite functioning as part of a marginalized counterpublic, teenage feminist bloggers are not necessarily satisfied with remaining on the margins, and instead seek to enact a feminist activism that is widely available and part of mainstream public dialog.\" (440)
\n\"Online activism also alters traditional understandings of space, allowing for content to transcend some borders (for those with Internet access) with significant ease. \" (442)
\n\"I would like to conclude by returning to a question I raised early on in this paper, namely, what counts as feminist activism? I suggested that Harris (2008b) provides a useful framework which understands activism as not necessarily outcome-oriented, but instead based upon the creating a public self, which is the first step in seeing oneself as a citizen. The girl bloggers I interviewed are engaging in establishing public selves through the dissemination of their voices through their writing, and furthermore, are establishing public selves that challenge gender norms and ageist assumptions that youth are uninterested in social change. By creating public selves through ‘talking back’ and integrating these selves within larger communities and global networks, girl feminist bloggers are reframing what it means to be a feminist activist and in doing so, are becoming role models for other girls\" (444)
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In this paper, the author addresses this research gap by investigating the complex and diverse ways that girls are using blogging communities to participate in a feminist political activism that reflects their needs as contemporary young feminists within a neoliberal cultural context. This analysis draws upon two case studies of popular blogs by teenage feminists, and interviews that were conducted with four girl bloggers who participated in these two communities. 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\n\"the feminist rallying cry “the personal is political,” which underpinned feminist epistemological claims about the relevance of experience for the production of feminist knowledge as well as feminist conceptions of solidarity in collective political struggles, appears to have become something of an empty signifier.\" (198)
\n\"For feminist scholars, this situation is compounded by the difficulty of finding adequate forms of expression in a context where the compression of time and space (a hallmark of neoliberalism) manifests itself in the attenuation of contemplative thought— literally in the impossibility of finding time and space to think— in “academic capitalism.”\" (198)
\n\"Gill and Christina Scharff have persuasively argued that women are constructed as neoliberalism’s ideal subjects: “To a much greater extent than men, women are required to work on and transform the self, to regulate every aspect of their conduct, and to present all their actions as freely chosen” (7)\" (199)
\n\"While their tactics and motivations are diverse, actions performed and inspired by the global SlutWalk demonstrations, the transnational activist group FEMEN, and the Russian art collective Pussy Riot, among others, are in a sense redoing feminism for a neoliberal age. A key component of this redoing is the way their actions play out many of the central tensions within historical and contemporary feminist discourse, notably those surrounding the category of woman, the role of the body, privilege (especially white privilege and racism), and epistemological problems surrounding feminist speech, including the place of experience and the problem of speaking on behalf of others.\" (200-201)
\n\"It is significant that these feminist actions redo feminism through a dynamic emphasis on masking and unmasking, veiling and unveiling, modesty and uncovering.\" (200)
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