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{ | Hansen, 1990 | | |zu:312:BMM7BCFX}

\n

 

\n

Locations: Vester Faengsel and Horserød, Nov 1943-May 1944 -> Schellhaus and Politigaarden, Sept 1944 -> Neuengamme, October 1944 -> Porta Westfalica, October 1944 -> Neuengamme -> Padborg -> København -> Denmark, March 22, 1945

\n

 

\n

2, arrived October 3, 1944

\n

 

\n

Whole body shaved. Head shaved with \"Autostraße\" a reverse mohawk three times during stay in Porta Westfalica, never got to wash hair.

\n

Given blue and white striped prison suit, which he kept the whole time, never changed or washed, but the undershirt and underwear were changed every three weeks; shoes were wooden clogs in poor condition.

\n

 

\n

3, showers were done with cold water and loam for soap.

\n

 

\n

Two daily meals: 1 thin piece of rye bread and potato soup in the evening. 2 thin pieces of rye bread and kohlrabi soup

\n

Food was handed out in the hall where they slept, in the middle section that was left empty. Bowls and spoons were shared among inmates.

\n

 

\n

Would beg the cook for extra bread.

\n

 

\n

4-5 roll calls throughout the day, morning, evenings and the middle of the night. Usually lasting an hour, they could also last up to three hours.

\n

 

\n

Air raid shelter was in the tunnel where they worked, with about 150 men, no place to move or rest. Was beaten by block elder

\n

 

\n

 

\n

4, 4 level beds, usually one man per level, but sometimes two. A very threadbare blanket, on thin straw mattresses, sleep in shirt.

\n

1800-2000 men slept in the room. Air was cold.

\n

slept with clothes for pillow.

\n

slept for 4-5 hours, broken by raids and roll call.

\n

\"It was hell.\"

\n

received cigarets for work, 6 or 4 and a stick of skraa, often every 8 or 14 days.

\n

 

\n

There was no brothel, library, concerts, sports or church services whether legal or illegal. Never a time to be alone.

\n

 

\n

5, Arbeitsstätte Firmenname Kommandoname etc.) Hafenkommando (1. Stelle) 2. Keberstahl (dort wurde ich versetzt)

\n

Arbeitest Du Drinnn oder in freier Luft? worked in the mountain, but was transferred, a factory was supposed to be created

\n

Were you trained in a job: Yes as smithy

\n

a 12 hour work day from 6 am until 6 pm, plus a one hour walk from camp to work site. Work was done every day, including weekends and holidays. \"There was no difference between Sundays and weekdays.\" Although they did work a half-day on Christmas day.

\n

 

\n

6,

\n

Relationship with Kapos was often good and often bad, and the relationship with other nations was good. Between the political and non-political prisoners, though, the relationship was not so good.

\n

 

\n

Hansen's Kapo was German.

\n

No illegal organizations and all news from the outside was through rumors

\n

Worked with some German civilians, some treated Hansen well and others less well.

\n

He wrote four letters to home, only one made it through, and he only received one letter from home.

\n

 

\n

7, Received no personal packages, but did receive 4-5 Red Cross packages; but hardly got anything from them. Kapos would take most everything. Received a package nearly every 1.5 months.

\n

Usual method of punishment was beating and kicking

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Lange, Thomas Friedrich. “Die Konzentrationslager an der Porta Westfalica.” Masters Thesis, University of Hannover, 2006. KZ-Gedenkstätte Neuengamme (Hamburg).

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\n

 

\n

53, the Festsaal of the Kaiserhof Hotel is in use today as a horse stall and riding area

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58, prisoners only knew their guards, whether SS or Kapos, by first name, and therefore often mixed up names of their tormentors, for example, Hermann Nau (SS-Rottenführer, very feared and brutal man, known to have beaten at least one inmate to death) and Hermann Wicklein (Lager and Standortkommandant in Barkhausen, seldom seen by prisoners due to status).

\n

58, footnote 182,188,  another source is the writings of the supreme public prosecutor of Köln, who, in the 1960s, was involved in investigating the murder crimes committed in KZ Porta. In Bibliography as Landesarchiv Nordrhein-westfalen, Hauptstaatsarchiv Düsseldorf (HaStAD): Bestand Gerichte Rep. 118: Staatsanwaltschaft Köln. Footnotes make reference to Schreiben der Oberstaatsanwaltschaft Köln v. DATE (ex. 25.11.1963, 13.11.1963), HaStAD Gerichte Rep. 118 Nr. 287-289. Page 62, footnote 205, references HaStAD Gerichte Rep. 118 Nr. 578-587, when mentioning Georg Knögl, the Lagerälteste in Barkhausen and debating which color triangle, and therefore his reason for conviction. Most Lagerälteste were green triangles, and therefore criminals, but he was known as \"Red Knögl\" and was active in communist groups before the war. He said of himself, in the before mentioned source, that he wore a red triangle of the political persecuted. He also had red hair which could have led to the nickname \"Red Knögl\".

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60, in the research, the topic of homosexuality is rarely discussed. When it happened, it was between Kapos/Funktionshäftlinge (those prisoners with some authority) and their \"Lieblingen\" (favorites, their selected partners). And in these cases it was more a relationship of dominance rather than love. Those who became \"Lieblingen\" did so because of the greater change to survive, rather than any homosexual feelings. (NEED TO FIND THE INTERVIEW FROM NEUENGAMME, as one survivor was asked about this topic, she rather bluntly replied, we were starving and dying, we didn't have capacity or presence of mind to think about that stuff. Sex is a pleasure activity, and the first thing to go when worried about anything, especially when starving and your very existence is in jeopardy.)

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63, Block- and Stubenältesten were special positions at KZ Porta. Surprising to have a Blockältester because there was only the one \"block\", namely the Kaiserhof Hotel. The Stubenältester was in charge of a small group of laborers.

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64, Bleton apparently made a position for himself in the hierarchy of the camp in order to improve his status and circumstance. He had some how come across paper and pencil and took it upon himself to take tallies for his working group. His civilian master counted the number of mining carts by making marks on a stone. Bleton took out his notebook and paper and counted as well. After two days, the civilian master put Bleton in charge of counting, thereby relieving Bleton of the physical work, and the civilian was able to \"spend the whole day taking a walk.\" (referenced as Bleton, S. 37)

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66-67, There were many different commands that inmates were assigned to; they switched commands often for various reasons. Reinhold Blanke-Bohne has a list of 26 different commands; not all of them were in existence at the same time.

\n
    \n
  1. Großer Stollen beziehungsweise Höhle Eins (Unteres Stollensystem im Jakobsberg)
    2. \n
  2. Höhle Zwei oder Phillipswerke (Oberes Stollensystem im Jakobsberg)
    3. \n
  3. Denkmalstollen
    4. \n
  4. Weserstollen
    5. \n
  5. Häverstedter Stollen
    6. \n
  6. Stollenkippe
    7. \n
  7. Betonwerk Weber
    8. \n
  8. Verschiedene Baukommandos für Erdarbeiten
    9. \n
  9. Brunnenbaukommando
    10. \n
  10. Betonkolonne
    11. \n
  11. Kommando Kiesgrube
    12. \n
  12. Kommando Uhde
    13. \n
  13. Kommando Edeleanu
    14. \n
  14. Kommando Saupe und Mielke
    15. \n
  15. Kommando Be- und Entwässerung
    16. \n
  16. Kommando Barackenbau
    17. \n
  17. Verschiedene Transportkommandos
    18. \n
  18. Waldarbeiterkommando
    19. \n
  19. Kommando Büscher
    20. \n
  20. Kommando Maschinenbau
    21. \n
  21. Kommando Hammerwerke
    22. \n
  22. Kommando Baumgarten
    23. \n
  23. Gleisbau Walther
    24. \n
  24. Kommando SS-Haus
    25. \n
  25. Lagerkommando
    26. \n
  26. Kommando Badeheizer
    27. \n
\n

 

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From Blanke-Bohne:

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    \n
  1. Höhle 1 (= unteres System im Jakobsberg);
    2. \n
  2. Höhle 2 (= oberes System im Jakobsberg); (Beide Kommandos hatten mehrere Unterkommandos)
    3. \n
  3. Denkmalstollen
    4. \n
  4. Heserstollen
    5. \n
  5. Häverstädter Stollen (ebenfalls mit Unterkommandos)
    6. \n
  6. Stollenkippe (= oberes System im Jakobsberg)
    7. \n
  7. Betonwerk Weber (siehe Teil 4.6)
    8. \n
  8. Verschiedene Baukommandos für Erdarbeiten , Zement­transport und Mischung , Klinkerbau- und Transport, Betonbau (Betriebe: OT Einsatzgruppe Philipp Holzmann, ARGE Herford u.a.)
    9. \n
  9. Brunnenbaukommando
    10. \n
  10. Betonkolonne
    11. \n
  11. Kommando Kiesgrube
    12. \n
  12. Kommando Uhde
    13. \n
  13. \" Edeleanu
    14. \n
  14.  \" Saupe und Hielke
    15. \n
  15.  \" Be- und Entwässerung
    16. \n
  16.  \" Barackenbau
    17. \n
  17. Verschiedene Transportkommandos
    18. \n
  18. Waldarbeiterkommando
    19. \n
  19. Kommando Büscher
    20. \n
  20. Kommando Maschinenbau
    21. \n
  21. Kommando Hammerwerke
    22. \n
  22. Kommando Baumgarten
    23. \n
  23. Gleisbau Walther
    24. \n
  24. Kommando SS Haus.
    25. \n
  25. Lagerkommando
    26. \n
  26. Kommando Badeheizer.
    27. \n
\n

 

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 English translations

\n
    \n
  1. Large tunnel or cave one (the lower tunnel system in Jakobsberg)
    2. \n
  2. Cave Two or Phillip works (Upper tunnel system in Jakobsberg)
    3. \n
  3. Memorial gallery
    4. \n
  4. Weser tunnel
    5. \n
  5. Häverstedter gallery
    6. \n
  6. gallery dump
    7. \n
  7. Weber Concrete works
    8. \n
  8. Various' construction for earthworks
    9. \n
  9. well construction command
    10. \n
  10. concrete column
    11. \n
  11. Command gravel pit
    12. \n
  12. command Uhde
    13. \n
  13. command Edeleanu
    14. \n
  14. Command Saupe and Mielke
    15. \n
  15. Command irrigation and drainage
    16. \n
  16. Barrack construction command
    17. \n
  17. Various Transport Command
    18. \n
  18. Forest workers command
    19. \n
  19. Command Büscher
    20. \n
  20. machine construction command
    21. \n
  21. Command hammer works
    22. \n
  22. Command Baumgarten
    23. \n
  23. track construction Walther
    24. \n
  24. Command SS-house
    25. \n
  25. camp command
    26. \n
  26. Command bath heater
    27. \n
\n

 

\n

67, footnote 224, commands 1-6 and 25 existed of more under-commands.

\n

 

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70, One of the local companies that benefited from the labor camps was Nebel & Fritzsche from Duisburg. This company was contracted to finish the interior construction of the Weser tunnels, and possibly also the tunnels in Häverstedt. It is calculated that Nebel & Fritzsche utilized 196,400 hours of prison labor from September 1944 through January 1945. It was calculated that an unlearned worker would normally earn 70 pfennig by Nebel & Fritzsche. Prisoners could only make half of that, so it was calculated that Nebel & Fritzsche were to pay the SS, and thereby the Reich, for the prison labor according to the following formula:

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196,400 prisoner hours x 50% x 0.70 RM/hour = 68,740 RM

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A 13% tax for social burdens left the total cost for using prisoner labor at 77,676 RM. This was deducted from the total invoice amount of 442,427.21 RM which was paid by the SS-Sonderinspektion.

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(footnote 232, Angebot und Rechnung der Firma Nebel & Fritzsche, Duisburg v. 23.2. und 8.3.1945, StAD D51 105.)

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[A great source for this info, and possibly for other local businesses who were involved, is Landesarchiv Nordrhein-Westfalen, Staats- und Personenstandsarchiv Detmold (StAD) D51 105]

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71-72, inmates learned to not work when not observed by civilian workers or SS guards, in order to preserve strength.

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73-74, positions for inmates within the camp were highly sought after because they meant no working in the mines, and the inmates need not remain continually out in the elements. Several positions existed within the camp; sickbay, orderly office, mess hall, \"vegetable command\", \"crap house command\". The last two as nick names given by inmates for the kitchen helpers, a position given to convalescent inmates, and latrine duty.

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75. \"payment\" system, if it can be called such, existed of cigarettes. Cigarettes were given based on the assessment of SS guards, foremen, or Kapos. 15 cigarettes for good workers, 10 for medium workers, 3 for poor workers, and none for anything less than poor, sometimes even beatings. The cigarettes were also used on the internal camp black market. Bleton wrote about getting bread for 30 cigarettes, fixing his glasses for 6, and in Buchenwald regaining a stolen belt for 20.

\n

76, The prescribed food rations for prisoners, which was much more than was actually received, were re-established in June 1944 by the Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture. Concentration camp inmates were to receive the same rations per week as foreign civil workers, and was as follows:

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Per Week food rations for concentration camp inmates

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Meat and meat products            200g

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Margarine                                  182,5g

\n

    or Cooking oil                        146g

\n

Quark                                        100g

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    or sour milk cheese                50g

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Rye bread type 1790                  2600g

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    or rye flour type 1790            1950g

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Rye flour type 1790                    125g

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    or other bread ration at most  167g

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Sugar                                         80g

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Jam                                            160g

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    or instead of jam, sugar          40g

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Nutrients                                    150g

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Coffee substitute and additives   62.5g

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Fresh skim milk                          1l

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Per Week food rations for concentration camp inmates (including adjustments for hard labor)

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Meat and meat products            480g

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Margarine                                  282.5g

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    or Cooking oil                        226g

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Quark                                        100g

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    or sour milk cheese                50g

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Rye bread type 1790                  4000g

\n

    or rye flour type 1790            1950g

\n

Rye flour type 1790                    125g

\n

    or other bread ration at most  167g

\n

Sugar                                         80g

\n

Jam                                            160g

\n

    or instead of jam, sugar          40g

\n

Nutrients                                    150g

\n

Coffee substitute and additives   62.5g

\n

Fresh skim milk                          1l

\n

 

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Extra portions of meat, margarine, and bread were to be given to those working long, night, and hard labor shifts. The labor at Barkhausen was categorized as long and hard labor, 66 and 69 work hours per week. In reality they worked at least 84 hours per week, and were fed enough to barely exist. Normally, civilians working in mines or as manual laborers would need 4800 or 3170 calories per day, respectively. No one knows how many calories the inmates in Barkhausen received per day, because no one cared. They usually received 150 grams of bread in the morning and evening, and a liter of coffee substitute and a liter of thin beet or potato soup for lunch. Margarine, meat, jam, or anything else was had much more seldom, if ever.

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80, Some prisoners, especially those from Denmark and and the Netherlands, were sent Red Cross packages with live saving, nutritional food, but were never to see the packages. SS guards would pick out what they wanted, and most often just throw the packages into a storage room where they were found after the war. One prisoner, Jørgen Diemer, weighed 85 kilos (187 pounds) before going to German labor camps, and left weighing only 55 kilos (121 pounds). It was hard to sit or sleep, he remembered, with nothing between your bones and skin.

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83, Ironically, the Red Cross packages usually brought death, rather than life. What food that did make it to the intended inmate was consumed all at once, for fear of it being stolen during the night. Such a large increase in calories and food was a shock to the malnourished body, which resulted in diarrhea, which usually lead to death, as there was no way to cure the diarrhea due to lack of hygiene and medicine.

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84, In the beginning of the camp's existence, there was only one water faucet for all inmates. It was only after several months that about twenty faucets were installed, but still insufficient for over 1200 prisoners. Biørn Karbo remembers the bathrooms were the worst. Excrement was all over everything, toilets, floors, walls, ceilings, and they were used by all, even those with dysentery and other illnesses. Such conditions, along with malnourishment and hard labor lead to at least four or five deaths every day.

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Because of weakness, sickness, and lack of control, the inmates sometimes did not even make it to the toilets, which led to severe beatings if caught. Often, those unable or unwilling to make it to the latrines just soiled their bedding. Since no cleaning was ever done, the blankets and mattresses were often partially soaked in urine or covered with excrement.

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85, The filthy conditions led to infestations of lice and bed bugs. The inmates were given hair cuts to help deal with the lice, and to make them easily identifiable, the haircut was a shaved strip down the middle of the head from front to back, often called \"lice lane\" (Läusestraße) by inmates. The sides were allowed to grow. On Christmas in 1944, the inmates were allowed to fumigate themselves, clothes and bedding with DDT powder.

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There were also never enough eating utensils, so prisoners were forced to share without washing.

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85, the infirmary also began as a closed off area inside the hotel's theater hall, but was later moved into one of two small wooden barracks.

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88-90, a mystery of why some inmates were sent to the hospital in Minden. There doesn't seem to be any pattern in nationality, illness, or any reason why they were sent to the civilian hospital.

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91-94, harassment and abuse in the concentration camp from SS, civilian workers, and civilians, even youth. Lange writes a few pages about it seeming at odds with desire to increase labor that harassment and abuse would be tollerated and even encouraged among inmates. Not really an issue, the inmates were seen as disposable and renewable labor source. It didn't matter to SS if they lived or died, and there was always more to replace the dead.

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94-95, punishments were tying hands behind the back, then with a rope tied to the hands and over a ceiling beam, the rope was slowly lifted up and the inmate was left to hang. The shoulders would become dislocated and they would eventually pass out. Inmates were also put in a stock, or pillory, the head was locked in place and they were beaten with a rod, rubber hose, or board from the beds.

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95-97, hangings were used as execution for attempted escapees. Seven documented executions, but surely more. Oddly enough, the questionnaires from Danish prisoners, when asked about executions, all said there were none observed. If executions were official, they didn't make it into the official death lists.

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97-98, Fröbe calculates 10 successful escapes. There was most likely no organized group among the inmates. Sabotage was direct and intentional when they messed with machines, and indirect when they worked really slow (done to save their energy).

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98-99, Bernadotte and the Red-Cross liberating some Danish prisoners

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101, Minden was freed by Canadian troops on April 4, 1945. Bad Oeynhausen by the Americans on April 3, 1945. Americans crossed the Weser on April 6, 1945. Before the Allied troops came, the inmates from Barkhausen were marched across the bridge, it was exploded, and the inmates were shipped via train to various, seemingly undetermined destinations.

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103-105, Camp in Lerbeck. Harder to tell history of because lack of official documents and personal memoirs. Had much easier work load than in Barkhausen. Death toll was pretty high for such a camp. 34-55 inmates died, mainly from the brutal SS officers and guards.

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106-110, Women's Camp in Hausberge. Had much easier work load. Worked for the Philips company on radio tubes for the army, also did some sewing. Camp held 967 women prisoners be end of war, all came on in 1945, first group of 300 in February were already working on Philips products in a different camp. Women were treated badly by SS guards. They had heaters in barracks, and factory. There were women and men guards.

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111, inmates from Hausberge and Lerbeck were evacuated by the SS on April 1, 1945, just as in Barkhausen. The men were taken to Neuengamme, the women first to Bergen-Blesen, then because that camp was full to overflowing, were taken farther north to various locations, some ending up in Lübeck, most others in Neungamme.

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Fröbe, Rainer. “Vernichtung durch Arbeit”?: KZ-Häftlinge in Rüstungsbetrieben an der Porta Westfalica in den letzten Monaten des Zweiten Weltkriegs. [Bielefeld]: AJZ, 1986.

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This booklet is a special printing of just Rainer's section from the book Meynert, Joachim, and Arno Klönne. Verdrängte Geschichte: Verfolgung und Vernichtung in Ostwestfalen 1933-1945. Bielefeld: AJZ, 1986. Notes on this section are found in that entry.

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