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            "title": "Slave Revolts, Royal Justice, and a Ubiquitous Rumor in the Age of Revolutions",
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            "abstractNote": "Slave revolts in the Americas during the age of revolutions are commonly viewed as the product of the politicization of the enslaved. Evidence from uprisings in very different settings—cities, mines, and plantations; Portuguese, Spanish, British, French, and Dutch colonies—suggests, however, that slaves were frequently motivated by a rumor that was remarkably stable across time and space. What sparked their rebellions was not a generic desire to be free but rather two specific and connected notions: the king—usually a European, but sometimes an African monarch—had decreed the slaves' freedom, and local officials and slaveholders were preventing the new law from being introduced. The idea of a thwarted royal emancipation decree was not confined to the age of revolutions. It can be detected in slave communities as far back as the 1660s. Yet in the period after 1789, the combination of antislavery, abolitionist activity, reformist measures, and revolutionary turmoil created fertile ground for the rumor to be born and reborn. Inspired by events that often occurred an ocean away, the rumor was usually forged or reawakened locally. Pursuing liberty without flight, rebelling slaves felt they were free and did all they could to obtain what was legitimately theirs.",
            "publicationTitle": "The William and Mary Quarterly",
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            "abstractNote": "Most slave revolts during the late-eighteenth to late-nineteenth centuries were not usually organized in a globally-conscious manner, nor did they include deliberate coordination across islands, continents, and oceans. For this reason, much of the corresponding scholarship tends to conceptualize such uprisings and corollary resistances as geographically isolated--locally, regionally, and globally. This article proposes an alternative conceptual framework by illustrating how all local uprisings and anti-slavery conspiracies among captive populations did not have to be consciously linked across different localities and regions in order to have a global and long- term impact on the architecture and prospects of the colonial-capitalist world-system. The analytical framework proposed in this article hopefully will contribute to the broader project of identifying how hegemonic global structures were transformed and partly undermined during this period. The goal is not only to illustrate new ways in which Africa, the Americas, and Europe were interconnected, but also to describe how Afro-diasporic resistances were linked to other subaltern revolts and laboring-poor contestations across the planet.",
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            "title": "Transforming property: Landholding and political rights in the Dominican sugar region, 1880-1930",
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            "abstractNote": "This dissertation speaks to literature on the development of export agricultural zones, on popular participation in state formation processes, on rural criminality and resistance, and on peasant participation in nation-building. It traces the transformation of rural property relations during the growth of the modern Dominican sugar industry. Implicitly and explicitly, traditional, popularly-defined communal property rights they contained notions of justice, community, individual rights, and social good that linked smallholders to their society and nation. Therefore, the 20th century shift from these notions of property towards a regime in which the Dominican state became the ultimate guarantor of property rights had important effects on Dominican political culture, besides its economic significance. The dissertation reviews the historical development of the Dominican rural property regime through the colonial period and into the 19th century, arguing that the social relations embedded in communal landholding were the foundation for a popular, collective political subjectivity in the independence period. Thus it reframes the popular bases of 19th century political rebellions, which until now have been characterized as personalist struggles among military leaders. Based on research into local land registers, notarial records, and local court records, the dissertation shows the extent of local actors' participation in the development of land markets in the sugar region, and the persistence of popular practices for securing land rights even within expanding modern plantations. Therefore, in the early 20th century conflicts over land escalated among Dominican landholders themselves. Increased political insurgency and banditry in the region also reflected these internal tensions. The United States' Marines sought to pacify the region during their military occupation of the Dominican Republic from 1916 to 1924. Much of their campaign to suppress guerrilla-style resistance to the occupation involved the dismantling of local networks of authority and power, as did their 1920 reform of land registration. However, traditional, locally-directed landholding practices persisted. Agrarian reform during the first years of the Trujillo dictatorship (1930-1961) attested to the enduring influence of communal, use-oriented notions of property, although they now bolstered an authoritarian, corporatist state.",
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                    "firstName": "Mimi",
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            "abstractNote": "Breaks new ground on Haitian political history. British consular dispatches throw new light on peasants’ actions and ideas in the Révolution des Piquets (1843-44). It disproves the view that descendants of slaves would have lacked skills to foster a democratic culture. “Living on in a popular vision of national liberty, civic fraternity and racial equality,” they backed liberals in the fight against President Boyer’s authoritarian rule. Sheller argues that only the government’s inability to control the army, which it needed against the blockade imposed by Western powers, caused the peasants’ defeat.",
            "publicationTitle": "New West indian Guide",
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            "abstractNote": "In the framework of American slave societies from the turn of the nineteenth century, the definition of citizenship contained in the Brazilian Constitution of 1824 was certainly the most inclusive one for African descendants. Furthermore, discussions leading up to this solution, both in the Cortes of Lisbon (1821-2) and in the Rio de Janeiro Constituent Assembly (1823), did not resort to the idea of race in approaching the issue. This article analyses how the absence of racial criteria to define the citizenship of African descendants contributed directly to the maintenance of social and racial hierarchies in Brazil, which were based precisely on black slavery. We attempt to understand the terms of the debate over this matter both in Lisbon and in Rio de Janeiro, looking at their similarities and differences as well as their relation to the notion of race. Finally, we seek to determine how the text of the Constitution of 1824 was related to a long-term policy for the expansion of slavery in Brazil.",
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            "abstractNote": "Identity defines who and what a people consider themselves to be at a specific time. In most cases, identity is \"invented\" since the delineating boundaries that define a people or community are formed and reshaped from historical \"identifiers\" selected from the past. How far back in history a community or people will choose to go to begin to define themselves is what makes identity an evolving characteristic in any society.\n\n\nThis study argues that in the Dominican Republic the defined boundaries for that nation's identity have been rigidly based on the racial myths and symbols introduced by the Spanish during the colonial period. Historically, Dominicans have formed and reshaped their identity to reinforce Hispanic cultural and racial values that have consistently rejected contributions from their African ancestry. After 1844, when the Republic declared its independence after a bloody struggle with Haiti, the relationship between Haiti and the Dominican Republic remained contentious. Nevertheless, despite the bitterness that evolved between the two nations, Dominican identity is not the result of the historical tensions between the two nations, but an expression of the professed racial superiority of Dominicans over Haitians based on historical Spanish racial paradigms. Haiti, with its African heritage has evolved into a visual representation for Dominicans on whom Dominicans can displace their anti-African, anti-Black, racial sentiment thereby reinforcing traditional colonial racial and social constructs.\n\n\nHistorically, Dominicans have reminded themselves and been told by outsiders of their African heritage. This has not only reinforced Dominicans concerns of being \"uncivilized\" but also promoted policies that encouraged white immigration. Annexation of the island by Spain, and later statehood efforts by the United States, reveal Dominican efforts to preserve not just a Hispanic identity, but also the desire to whiten the Republic's growing Black population. Perceptions of being an \"uncivilized\" nation because of their race also motivated Dominicans to erase their Blackness. They replaced it with images and symbols, still used today, based on the extinct Indigenous population of the island that helps preserve the racial categorization introduced by the Spanish.",
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            "abstractNote": "In the present article I study the slave conspiracy of the Day of the Kings in Puerto Rico in 1812, using the reports of the colonial authorities and the declarations of the slaves envolved in it. My goals are: first, to highlight the fact that external factors were decisive in the forge of the cited plot, especially the news of the coronation of Henri Christophe in Northern Haiti and of the abolitionist debate in the Spanish Cortes de Cádiz, which reached the Hispanic Caribbean from mouth to mouth; second, to show that the said conspiracy, as well as the Aponte rebellion in Cuba and the black plot in Santo Domingo, all of whom took place in 1812, were not independent slave plots, but rather three different echoes of the same wave of uneasiness that shook the Spanish Antilles at that moment. For that purpose, I have articulated my exposition in five sections: first, I analyze the antecedents of the plot of the Day of the Kings; then, I describe the external factors that favored it, recovering the testimony of the slaves involved in that episode; third, I study the development of the conspiracy; after that, I analyze the punishment of the slave leaders; finally, I sum up my conclusions. En el presente artículo estudio la conspiración esclava del día de Reyes de Puerto Rico en 1812, a partir de los informes de las autoridades coloniales y las declaraciones de los implicados. Mis principales objetivos son: en primer lugar, resaltar que en la forja de dicho complot jugaron un papel decisivo los factores externos, concretamente la coronación del negro Henri Christophe en el norte de Haití y el debate abolicionista de las Cortes de Cádiz, que se conocieron en el Caribe hispano gracias al \"boca a boca\"; en segundo lugar, demostrar que la conspiración que me ocupa, así como la conspiración de Aponte en Cuba y el complot negro de Santo Domingo, todos ellos ocurridos en 1812, no fueron tres fenómenos aislados, sino tres ecos diferentes de una misma oleada de inestabilidad que sacudió las Antillas españolas en aquella fecha. Para ello, he articulado la exposición en cinco partes: en la primera analizo los antecedentes inmediatos del complot; seguidamente, describo los factores externos que lo favorecieron, recuperando el testimonio de los esclavos implicados en los primeros desórdenes; en la tercera, estudio el desarrollo de la conspiración; a continuación, enumero las condenas de los implicados; por último, expongo mis conclusiones. Cet article étudie la conspiration d'esclaves du jour des Rois à Porto Rico en 1812, à partir des rapports des autorités coloniales et des déclarations des personnes impliquées. Mes principaux objectifs : d'abord, souligner que dans la formation de ce complot les facteurs externes ont été décisifs, à savoir le couronnement du noir Henri Christophe dans le nord d'Haïti, et le débat abolitionniste des Cortes de Cádiz, qui ont été connus dans les Antilles hispaniques au moyen du boucheà-oreille ; ensuite, démontrer que le complot qui me concerne ainsi que celle de Aponte à Cuba et l'intrigue noire à Santo Domingo, qui ont eu lieu en 1812, n'ont pas été trois phénomènes isolés, mais trois échos différents de la même vague d'instabilité qui a secoué les Antilles espagnoles à cette époque. Pour cela, j'ai articulé mes remarques en cinq parties : dans la première, j'analyse le contexte immédiat de la conspiration ; puis, je décris les facteurs externes qui l'ont favorisé, en récupérant le témoignage des esclaves impliqués dans les troubles initiaux ; dans la troisième, j'étudie le développement du complot pour ensuite énumérer les peines de ceux qui sont impliqués ; et enfin, je présente mes conclusions.",
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