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            "title": "”Albore-Livadie C., Vecchio G. (2020) – Nola - Croce del Papa. Un villaggio sepolto dall'erupzione vesuviana delle pomici di Avellino, (coll. du Centre Jean Bérard, 54), Naples, 444 p., ISBN : 978-2-38050026-4, 60 €”",
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            "publicationTitle": "Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française",
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            "shortTitle": "”Albore-Livadie C., Vecchio G. (2020) – Nola - Croce del Papa. Un villaggio sepolto dall'erupzione vesuviana delle pomici di Avellino, (coll. du Centre Jean Bérard, 54), Naples, 444 p., ISBN",
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            "title": "Cueva de la Cocina (Dos Aguas, Valencia): secuencia e identidad del Mesolítico reciente en la fachada mediterránea ibérica",
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            "abstractNote": "This paper constitutes a narrative view of the diachronic research conducted at Cueva  de la Cocina (Dos Aguas, Valencia) and its consequences on the Spanish Mesolithic literature from  the middle of the 20th century to current times. Since its discover in 1941, the site has become one of  the key sites regarding the sequence of the Late Mesolithic in Mediterranean Iberia. The campaigns  conducted by L. Pericot (1941-45) provided the first archaeological sequence between the end of the  Palaeolithic and the Early Neolithic in the aforementioned area. The review developed by J. Fortea in  his fundamental book, focused on the Mediterranean “Epipalaeolithic”, reinforced the initial postulates  on the occupations of the last hunter-gatherers and gave place to the current sequence. The goal of this  work consists of providing some light in the epistemological trajectory that conforms the Mesolithic’s  research history. Particularly, we want to highlight the importance to understand pioneering works to  open new research questions considering current archaeological challenges and chances..\nLa Cueva de la Cocina es uno de los yacimientos clave del Mesolítico reciente del área  mediterránea ibérica. Descubierto a comienzos de los años 1940, su excavación por L. Pericot (1941-  45) proporcionó la primera secuencia arqueológica entre el final del Paleolítico y el Neolítico en el área  mencionada. Esta secuencia, junto con sus materiales, fue revisada a comienzos de los años 1970 por J.  Fortea, dentro de un laborioso trabajo de sistematización del Epipaleolítico (Mesolítico) mediterráneo.  Desde entonces, la facies industrial mesolítica representada en Cocina es sinónimo de Mesolítico  reciente, y las fases evolutivas determinadas en el yacimiento, el modelo al que adscribir los hallazgos  mesolíticos realizados con anterioridad y posterioridad. En el presente trabajo se da cuenta de todo ello,  a modo de una historia de la investigación, incluyendo los trabajos y estudios más recientes en Cueva  de la Cocina iniciados en 2013.",
            "publicationTitle": "Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina",
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            "title": "Documentación del arte rupestre paleolítico en la cueva de Altamira (Santillana del Mar, Cantabria): estudio monográfico de la Unidad Topográfica I del Sector V",
            "creators": [
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                    "firstName": "Marcos",
                    "lastName": "García Diez"
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                    "firstName": "Álvaro",
                    "lastName": "Ibero"
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                    "firstName": "Blanca",
                    "lastName": "Ochoa Fraile"
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                    "creatorType": "author",
                    "firstName": "Alfredo",
                    "lastName": "Prada Freixedo"
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                    "creatorType": "author",
                    "firstName": "Lucía M.",
                    "lastName": "Díaz González"
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                    "creatorType": "author",
                    "firstName": "Carmen de las",
                    "lastName": "Heras Martín"
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                    "firstName": "Paula",
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                    "firstName": "María Elena",
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            "abstractNote": "The cave of Altamira is one of the most significant sites for studying the origins of symbolism, human creativity, art and beliefs of the hunter-gatherer groups of the European Upper Paleolithic. Despite having been the first cave in which Palaeolithic rock art was identified, our understanding of its imagery is still partial, due to the complexity of its study and the preservation issues that have been faced in recent decades. This paper presents the documentation and study of the rock art identified Topographic Unit I of Sector V. This has been able to locate new figures andrevise those previously known, focusing on their formal, technical and stylistic analysis, discussing aspects linked to the graphic process (representation resources, framing, references to space and assessment of black and red marks), chronology (including a discussion about its synchrony or diachrony), and the possible uses of Palaeolithic images after their execution.\nLa cueva de Altamira es uno de los conjuntos más significativos para estudiar los orígenes del simbolismo, la creatividad humana, el arte y las creencias de los grupos cazadores-recolectores del Paleolítico superior europeo. A pesar de haber sido la primera cueva en que fue identificado el arte rupestre paleolítico, su comprensión aún es parcial, debido a la complejidad de su estudio y a los condicionantes que la conservación ha supuesto en las últimas décadas. Este trabajo presenta la documentación y estudio del arte rupestre identificado en la Unidad Topográfica I del Sector V. Éste ha permitido la localización de nuevas figuras y la revisión de las previamente conocidas, y se centra en su estudio formal, técnico y estilístico, discutiendo aspectos vinculados al proceso gráfico (recursos de presentación, encuadres i encajes, referencias al espacio y valor de las marcas negras y rojas), a la cronología -abordando la discusión sobre su sincronía o diacronía- y al uso del grafismo tras su ejecución.",
            "publicationTitle": "Sautuola: Revista del Instituto de Prehistoria y Arqueología Sautuola",
            "publisher": "Instituto de Prehistoria y Arqueología Sautuola",
            "place": "",
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            "title": "Contextos arqueológicos del neolítico en la comarca burgalesa de La Bureba",
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                    "lastName": "Jiménez Echevarría"
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                    "firstName": "Carmen",
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            "abstractNote": "The region of La Bureba in the Province of Burgos, is a natural corridor between the Ebro Valley and the Inner Plateau, and is of great importante to understand the movements of people, objects and ideas during Prehistory. It became densely populated frome the early Neolithic; to be precise, along the axis between the natural gap inthe Iberian System, in Pancorbo, and the Sierra de Atapuerca. However, archaeological evidence is scanty owing to the lack of systematic studies and absolute dates. This article presents a sequential view of nine sites with stratigraphy and other similar forms of evidence, which can be dated between the last third of the 6th millennium and the start of the 3rd millennium cal BC. They correspond both to mortuary sites from the early Neolithic to the end of the period,and their traits define spatial groupings, as seen later during the Bell-beaker period.\nLa comarca burgalesa de La Bureba constituye un corredor natural entre el Valle del Ebro y la Meseta, imprescindible para entender el flujo de personas, objetos e ideas durante la Prehistoria. Desde el Neolítico antiguo, el poblamiento cobra aquí especial intensidad, en concreto a lo largo del eje comprendido entre el paso natural del Sistema Ibérico, en Pancorbo, y la Sierra de Atapuerca. Sin embargo, los testimonios arqueológicos resultan escasos por la ausencia de estudios sistemáticos y dataciones absolutas. Se presenta una visión secuenciada de 9 yacimientos con estratigrafías y otros tantos testimonios afines, cuya cronología los sitúa entre el número tercio del VI milenio y los inicios del III milenio cal BC. Responden tanto a lugares de habitación como funerarios entre el Neolítico antiguo y el Neolítico final, cuyos rasgos definen agrupaciones espaciales, como se testimonia posteriormente durante el Campaniforme.",
            "publicationTitle": "Sautuola: Revista del Instituto de Prehistoria y Arqueología Sautuola",
            "publisher": "Instituto de Prehistoria y Arqueología Sautuola",
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                    "creatorType": "author",
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            "abstractNote": "This paper presents a preliminary data from the archaeozoological and taphonomic study  of macrofauna corresponding to two layers belonging to the Middle Palaeolithic and Gravettian levels  from Cova Foradada (Oliva, Valencia). The main objective of this work is to provide new information  to serve as a comparison with other faunal assemblages from the Palaeolithic period located on the  Iberian Mediterranean basin. The data obtained indicate that leporids are the taxonomic group with  the best representation in the two assemblages analysed, although cervids also stand out. The Middle  Palaeolithic assemblage shows a greater diversity, with the presence of chelonians, suids and mediumsized  canids. Equids and bovids appear in smaller percentages. The taphonomic study indicates the  mainly anthropogenic origin of these faunal assemblages.\nEn este trabajo se presentan los datos preliminares del estudio arqueozoológico y  tafonómico de la macrofauna correspondiente a dos capas adscritas, una al Paleolítico medio y otra al  Gravetiense de la Cova Foradada (Oliva, Valencia). El principal objetivo de este trabajo es aportar nueva  información que sirva de comparativa con otros conjuntos faunísticos de época paleolítica situados en  la fachada mediterránea ibérica. Los datos obtenidos indican que en los dos conjuntos analizados los  lepóridos son el grupo taxonómico con mejor representación, aunque también destacan los cérvidos.  El conjunto del Paleolítico medio muestra una mayor diversidad, con presencia de quelonios, suidos y  cánidos de tamaño medio. Équidos y bóvidos aparecen con porcentajes menores. El estudio tafonómico  señala el origen principalmente antropogénico de estos conjuntos faunísticos.",
            "publicationTitle": "Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina",
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            "title": "El yacimiento de Ceñajo de la Peñeta (Millares, Valencia). Valoración de las ocupaciones prehistóricas entre el final del Paleolítico y los inicios del Neolítico",
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                    "firstName": "Margarita",
                    "lastName": "Vadillo Conesa"
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                    "firstName": "Lluís",
                    "lastName": "Molina Balaguer"
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            "abstractNote": "Ceñajo de la Peñeta is a site located in the hindland of the central region of the Valencian  territory. The study of the materials recovered provides information on the frequentation of the site at  different prehistoric times. Mesolithic and Neolithic materials appear in different levels associated to  Phase I. Phase II, on the other hand, shows archaeo-stratographic coherence, and in the levels from  this phase there are materials that refer to the end of the Palaeolithic and Epipalaeolithic period. The  coherence of the assemblage associated with Phase II, as well as the quantity of lithic pieces recovered,  allows for an assessment of the lithic technology developed by these groups. The information available  from these periods is scarce, so Ceñajo de la Peñeta contributes to the definition of the technological  trends for this period in this region.\nCeñajo de la Peñeta es un yacimiento localizado en el interior de la región central  del territorio valenciano. El estudio de los materiales recuperados aporta información sobre la  frecuentación del sitio en diferentes momentos de la Prehistoria. En diferentes niveles asociados a la  Fase I aparecen materiales mesolíticos y neolíticos mezclados. La Fase II, por el contrario, sí muestra  coherencia arqueoestratigráfica, y en los niveles que la forman aparecen materiales que remiten al  final del Paleolítico y/o al Epipaleolítico. La coherencia del conjunto asociado a la Fase II, así como la  cantidad de piezas líticas recuperadas, permite una valoración de la tecnología lítica desarrollada por  los grupos finipaleolíticos. Las informaciones disponibles a este respecto son en general escasas, con  lo cual Ceñajo de la Peñeta contribuye a la definición de las tendencias tecnológicas para el periodo  señalado en esta región.",
            "publicationTitle": "Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina",
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            "date": "2024",
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            "issue": "35",
            "section": "Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina",
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            "title": "Laporte L., Large J.-M (dir.), Nespouos L., carre ., teier-Herbert . (2022) – Mégalithes dans le monde, 2 vol., Association des publications chauvinoises (coll. Mémoire LVIII), Chauvigny, 1453 pages, ISBN : 9791090534742, 70 €",
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            "title": "Précisions sur la position chronologique et l’apparentement culturel de la tombe néolithique de Germignac, « le Bois-du-Bourg » (Charente-Maritime)",
            "creators": [
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            "abstractNote": "The authors present and discuss the results of a new radiocarbon date of the human remains discovered in 1980 at Germignac, \"le Bois-du-Bourg\". This site has provided important data for the study of the Neolithization of the Atlantic façade of Europe in particular due to its location which is quite far from the territories colonized by the farmers of the Impresso-Cardial and Western Linear Pottery (LBK) during the 6th millennium BCE. The nature of the rich Germignac ornaments, most likely associated with human remains, has also helped to nourish the issues of attaching the \"Néolithique Ancien Centre-Atlantique\" (NACA) to either of the major Neolithic diffusion currents and of their possible interactions. These ornaments have already been extensively described and commented on: they associate a couple of ring-discs of exceptional dimensions, made from allochthonous metamorphic rock, with an impressive series of standardized discoid beads made of shell tests, carved out using the hollow drill technique.    Revision of the inventory of bone remains indicates that they do not belong to a twin burial as previously proposed, but to a single adult individual, perhaps quite young and of undetermined sex.    A first radiocarbon measurement by Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) carried out in 2001, obtained from a batch of human bone shafts, yielded a rather large standard deviation. The new AMS date from a tooth presented here is more accurate and was commissioned in conjunction with palaeogenetic analyses that were unfortunately unsuccessful. Both radiocarbon analyses meet similar quality criteria. As all the human bones collected at Germignac, \"le Bois-du-Bourg\" belong to the same individual, the two available radiocarbon measurements were merged using the Combined probability function implemented in OxCal, and calibrated with IntCal20 using the ChronoModel v.2 software. The obtained date falls within the first quarter of the 5th millennium, between 4986 and 4784 BCE (HPD 95%). This makes it the earliest evidence of a clearly dated Neolithic site in the Centre-Ouest, in a cultural environment that most probably refers to the Blicquy/Villeneuve-Saint-Germain/Augy-Sainte-Pallaye complex (BVSG), since the stone and shell ornaments bear no resemblance to contemporary southern production, but instead point to the LBK sphere.    The indication that technical paradigms from the LBK tradition could have spread to Aquitaine should lead us to reconsider the potential evidence of southern influences in this region. Ceramic decorative techniques and syntaxes (e.g., rocker impressions, T-composition, ...) are largely shared by southern and northern cultural groups, which had established cultural interactions as early as the last quarter of the 6th millennium, and thus before the establishment of the BVSG. As a result, while southern influences can be detected in the decoration of ceramics from central-western France, it remains particularly difficult to distinguish between direct influences from Occitania or the Iberian Peninsula and reinterpretations by post-LBK groups of northern origin previously connected to the Cardial/Epicardial throughout the Rhône valley. These difficulties could be partly reduced by technological analysis of early ceramic production in Western France, given the fundamental differences in pottery forming methods that have been observed, to date, between the LBK and Impresso-Cardial domains.\nLes auteurs présentent et discutent les résultats d'une nouvelle datation des restes humains découverts en 1980 à Germignac, « le Bois-du-Bourg », réalisée dans le cadre d'une analyse paléogénétique qui s'est malheureusement révélée infructueuse. La révision de l'inventaire des restes osseux et dentaires indique qu'il s'agit d'une sépulture individuelle et non d'une sépulture double comme cela avait été précédemment proposé. La date obtenue situe les premiers témoignages de la diffusion du Néolithique dans le centre-ouest de la France dans le courant du premier quart du Ve millénaire AEC. Les ornements de pierre et de test ne présentent aucune similitude avec les productions méridionales contemporaines et orientent en revanche vers le complexe culturel du Blicquy/Villeneuve-Saint-Germain/Augy-Sainte-Pallaye (BVSG). Ces données appellent à une reconsidération des hypothèses envisageant une articulation du premier néolithique du Centre-Ouest avec les groupes méridionaux de tradition impresso-cardiale",
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            "title": "Une épée argarique du Bronze moyen à Bessède-de-Sault (Aude, France)",
            "creators": [
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                    "creatorType": "author",
                    "firstName": "Jean",
                    "lastName": "Guilaine"
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                    "firstName": "Jean",
                    "lastName": "Vaquer"
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            "abstractNote": "The mention of the finding of a bronze sword in the upper valley of the Aude, given and presented to the tourist information office of Quillan, remained confidential for a long time. An investigation made it possible to find this object and locate the site of its original discovery near the Pradels pass in the village of Bessède-de-Sault (Aude). It is a sword with triangular blade and strangulation under the guard, with lenticular section, marked with locally hammered sharp threads. The tongue is trapezoidal, sub-elliptical. The piece has a length of 55.3 cm including 4 cm for the tongue and 51.3 cm for the blade. The maximum width of the tab is 6.4 cm ; it was pierced with 6 rivet holes in two rows, five of which are still in place. The missing hilt was probably made of wood. The arrangement of the rivets (4 aligned, 2 unhooked) is found identically on the swords of the graves 429, 824 and 551 of the eponymous site of El Argar (Almeria) and the copy of the burial 9 of Fuente Alamo (Almeria). Similar ones are known from Puertollano (Ciudad Real, Castile) and Entrambasaguas (Santander, Cantabria). The proximal area of the blade, just below the guard, shows a pattern incised in double low arc. They are marks for the hilt or signs left by a sharp cleaning tool in the contact area between blade and handle.    The blade is well preserved except in the distal part where it was damaged on discovery which blew the patina and the oxidized crust and which probably bent the tip, this one straightened secondarily.    This argaric sword is the second found in France after that of the Rouvière in Chusclan (Gard), slightly different (shorter, with a single row of rivets) and associated with other Rhodanian style blades of the end of Early Bronze Age.    Argaric swords have given rise to typological classifications, the most common of which are those of M. Almagro Gorbea (1972) and D. Brandherm (2003). M. Almagro recognizes two main groups. On the one hand the parts with marked strangulation of the upper third (which gives them an overall appearance pistilliform), with rivet holes arranged on a single row: these would be the oldest (Early Bronze or transition with the Middle Bronze) and most of them would be arsenated copper. The blade of Chusclan belongs to this phase. The second group concerns the narrower triangular blades with straight edges, an enlarged guard and rivets arranged in two rows. It is to this category that the sword of Bessède-de-Sault is attached. It can be dated to stage B of El Argar culture, between 1600 and 1400 BCE. The majority of swords in this group are bronze, those in copper or arsenated copper being rarer. Various typological variants within these two groups have been characterized.    The interest of the sword of Bessède-de-Sault also lies in its place of discovery on the northern slope of the Pyrenees. It is also located in the South of France, where the swords of the Middle Bronze are very rare. In the Aude basin, little was known until now only the sword of Jugnes (La Nouvelle), with massive handle and blade decorated with long chevron patterns and whose style is part of a context of continental Helveto-Germanic influences (Daugas and Vuaillat, 2006). This weapon is related to the type of Cheylounet which include seven swords, perhaps, from the same workshop. Conversely, the sword of Bessède-de-Sault clearly refers to the argaric sphere whose rapiers are the subject of debate as to their function: instruments of combat or emblems of power ?    The sword of Bessède-de-Sault was unearthed in a local archaeological context, the Pays de Sault, still little explored but whose documentation available for the Early Bronze Age and Middle Bronze Age refers to local cultures located on both sides of the Eastern Pyrenees. The sepulchral cavities of Usson (Fontanès-de-Sault, Aude), Gardouch (Belcaire, Aude), Toureil (Mijanès, Ariège) highlight an Early Bronze Age in the Beaker tradition with a strong presence of prismatic V-perforated buttons. The Middle Bronze is notably represented by the Pyrenean-Aquitaine culture with polypod vases (Dourgne cave, Fontanès-de-Sault, Aude). More widely in the Eastern Pyrenees, the metal productions of the Middle Bronze are essentially axes with edges and median constriction (Casteldos, Le Bousquet, Aude ; Arnave, Ariège). Besides this regional metallurgy, one does not exclude the presence of metallic objects of Iberian influence or origin like the long chalcolithic dagger of Vernet (Ariège), the sword of Lafage (Saint-Amadou, Ariège) or the halberd of Hérédèche in Sost (Hautes-Pyrénées). Recall also that a sword with four rivets close to the Iberian models is given as coming from Vieille-Toulouse (Haute-Garonne) but does not in fact have a safe source.    The analysis in elemental composition of the sword of Bessède-de-Sault showed that it was a bronze with 10% tin, a kind of fairly general alloy at the beginning of the Middle Bronze. Arsenic, lead, antimony and silver levels are low. The blade and rivets were made with the same alloy. The best matches are found in various objects of the Iberian Peninsula but some pieces from the South of France present similar compositions. The isotopic analyses showed comparable results between the blade and the rivet. The lead content is low. It is highly radiogenic which limits the hypotheses on the origin of the ore on a European scale. Different approaches (graphic reading, statistical methods) refer to Greek minerals (Laurion, Cyclades) but also to Spanish minerals. The additional analysis by age model tends to confirm these hypotheses, limits remaining however (old geological data, unrecorded deposits in lead isotopy, possible metal recycling). Comparisons with remains from Iberian archæological sites indicate close lead isotopic ratios. In the end, the sword of Bessède-de-Sault shows a compatibility of its metal with certain parts of the argarian area but also with bronzes from northern Spain and the South.    It will never be known who (or what) was the holder (s) of this sword and its (their) gender. Weapons that may have been devolved to women in Argarian society are a hypothesis currently under debate.    In a more general way this weapon invites us to ask the question of the genesis of the oldest swords in South-West Europe. Unlike the swords with massive handle and decorated blade of the Central-European zone, the first rapières produced in the Western Mediterranean and South-Atlantic Europe are distinguished by different characters. Three areas seem to emerge. First an Ibero-Atlantic zone clearly inspired by the local tradition of beaker's tongue daggers. Another production centre is located in Sardinia and concerns the Sant'Iroxi type swords of Decimoputzu, in arsenated copper. The third area is that of the argarian swords to which the sword of Bessède-de-Sault is attached. All three sources favour wooden hilts but which could be set with a cover in silver or gold sheets as on the exceptional example of Guadalajara (Spain).\nLa mention de la trouvaille d'une épée en bronze dans la haute vallée de l'Aude, donnée et exposée au syndicat d'initiatives de Quillan, est restée longtemps confidentielle. Une enquête a permis de retrouver cet objet et de situer l'emplacement de sa découverte près du col de Pradels dans la commune de Bessède-de-Sault (Aude). Il s'agit d'une lame d'épée plate et légèrement étranglée à languette large munie de six rivets sur deux rangs, qui présente des caractères typiques des productions de l'étape B de la culture d'El Argar datable au début du Bronze moyen (1600-1400 av. J.-C.). Cette épée argarique est la seconde trouvée en France après celle de la Rouvière à Chusclan (Gard), légèrement différente (plus courte, à un seul rang de rivets) et associée à d'autres lames de style rhodanien de la fin du Bronze ancien. Ces découvertes reflètent les dynamiques d'échanges de productions métalliques liées à la fois à leur rôle fonctionnel et symbolique et aux compétitions techniques et sociales des divers centres européens de fabrication. Pour autant les épées du Bronze ancien et moyen sont rares dans le Midi. La pièce ici évoquée a été mise au jour dans une aire du piémont pyrénéen (le Pays de Sault) encore peu étudiée mais dont les données disponibles renvoient à des cultures locales (Bronze ancien à traditions campaniformes, Bronze moyen à vases polypodes). Dans le contexte plus large nord-pyrénéen, des apports d'objets de cuivre ou de bronze de souche ibérique sont toutefois attestés lors de ces périodes. En composition élémentaire, l'épée de Bessède-de-Sault se révèle être un bronze à fort taux d'étain (10 % Sn) et à faible teneur d'impuretés, et des comparaisons sont proposées avec divers documents de France et de la péninsule Ibérique. La teneur en plomb est faible ; fortement radiogénique, ce dernier élément oriente vers un cuivre de souche égéenne ou, plus vraisemblablement en raison de la typologie caractéristique de la pièce, du sud de l'Espagne.    Est également abordée la question de la genèse des épées dans le sud-ouest de l'Europe. Trois pôles sont reconnus. D'une part certaines épées courtes s'inscrivent dans la tradition des poignards à languette du Chalcolithique ibérique. Un second pôle est constitué par les épées Bonnánaro de type Sant'Iroxi de Decimoputzu de Sardaigne, à rivets et en cuivre arsénié. Les épées argariques, auxquelles se rattache l'épée de Bessède-de-Sault, constituent le troisième de ces pôles de production originaux, à l'écart des foyers de l'Europe continentale.",
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            "title": "Mobiliers et écofacts de l'habitat de hauteur du Bronze ancien/moyen d'I Stantari di u Frati è a Sora (Sartène, Corse-du-Sud)",
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            "abstractNote": "I Stantari di u Frati è a Sora is a Bronze Age hilltop settlement located 5.6 km east of the current coastline of the Gulf of Valincu, in south-west Corsica. Discovered in 2014, it was excavated between 2019 and 2020 by Inrap Méditerranée. The site sits on a rounded hill of sandy substrate (maximum altitude 49 m) that dominates the lower part of the middle valley of the River Rizzanesi. The summit is partly covered by a layer of pebbles from an ancient alluvial deposit. These geological aspects have had a major influence on how the domestic features were organised.    Defensive features bound the settlement with its houses and other constructions. Buildings are also located outside the boundaries. Initially, up to four or five juxtaposed and sub-parallel palisades delimited the settlement. This system was then replaced by a V-shaped ditch and a palisaded earth rampart. The last construction phase that superimposed on the previous two includes the construction of a double dry-stone rampart with a typical south Corsican architecture. An entrance is located in the southern part of the rampart, around the eroded interfluve ridge linking the relief to the rocky massifs of Ghjumenta Grossa. The site has three dwellings, contour terraces and isolated pits. The excavated surface, around 3,000 m², is estimated to cover almost a quarter of the settlement.    The chronology of these supposedly continuous occupations ranges from the end of the Early Bronze Age 1a (2200-2000 BC) to the end of the Middle Bronze Age 2 (1550-1450 BC), according to Corsican chronology. Severe erosion of the soft soils caused the disappearance of most of the floors and occupation layers, with the exception of dwelling 1027, partly preserved by its elliptic sidewall. The other levels in place are the fills of the dugout features (pits, ditches, palisade trenches, foundation trenches and postholes).    In this paper, we aim to present the artefacts and ecofacts relating to economic and craft activities at I Stantari di u Frati è a Sora in the Early and Middle Bronze Age, if possible from an evolutionary and cultural perspective. The material from Early Bronze Age 1, contemporary with the first installation, is rare. The best-preserved occupation phase dates to Early Bronze 2b (1750-1650 BC) / Middle Bronze 1 (1650-1550 BC).    The pottery assemblage includes rare elements dated to Early Bronze Age 1, such as vessels with aligned sublabial pseudo-perforations. Most of the wares are typical of Early Bronze / Middle Bronze Age transition contexts in the south of the island: high carinated jars, soft angled handles, large vessels with long flared necks, etc. As always in the south of the Rizzanesi, there is no influence from Italic productions. From a functional point of view, the presence of table, kitchen and storage vessels is a typical configuration for Corsican Bronze Age settlements.    The stone tools attest to a form of pebble percussion, but also to the presence of Sardinian flint flakes in the early phase. Some grindstones and mortars, sometimes of particularly large dimensions, provide information about diet. Special objects (smoother, pendant, weight) enhance our perception of the use of lithic resources. Finally, we should mention the presence of some faceted and polished haematite nodules, the function of which remains undetermined.    Although there are no metal objects, some slag and fragments of terracotta moulds seem to indicate that Cu-As alloy tools were made on site. Tin is absent from the XRF spectra. In Corsica, these trends (arsenic copper and use of non-permanent moulds) generally characterise the Early Bronze Age and the beginning of Middle Bronze Age and our results confirm the dates.    To conclude, we present the results of the studies of the organic remains that point to a landscape a priori dominated by Erica sp., Arbutus unedo and Quercus ilex/coccifera, while the plant diet refers only to balanophagy.    Putting all the data into perspective highlights an occupation that sees a gradual and non-synchronous change in the mobilised resources, the chaines opératoires and the repertoires. They reveal economic transformations linked to Tyrrhenian dynamics and networks, but also micro-regional phenomena of exclusion the consequence of specific alliances systems. In parallel to the innovations observed in the settlement, these material developments define the specifics of the Bronze Age in Corsica, an island where mechanisms of social structuring were constrained by a physical and cultural geography conducive to the development of particular forms of compartmentalisation.\nI Stantari di u Frati è a Sora est un habitat de hauteur de l'âge du Bronze situé à 5,6 km à l'est du littoral actuel du golfe du Valincu, dans le sud-ouest de la Corse. Repéré en 2014, il a été fouillé en 2019-2020 par des équipes de l'Inrap. La colline qui porte le site (49 m d'altitude maximale), dominant la vallée du Rizzanesi, est caractérisée par son substrat arénisé et son relief arrondi.    Le site est délimité par des structures défensives successives abritant des habitations. Des constructions ont également été identifiées à l'extérieur des limites artificielles. Dans un premier temps, il est délimité par des palissades. Ensuite, ce système est remplacé par un fossé à section en V, probablement doublé par une levée de terre elle-même palissadée. Le dernier état, superposé aux précédents, voit l'édification d'un double rempart en pierre sèche. Les constructions non défensives incluent trois habitations, des terrasses de délimitation et des creusements isolés. L'emprise fouillée, d'une surface d'environ 3000 m², correspond à une aire estimée à près d'un quart de l'habitat.    La chronologie de l'occupation s'étend de la fin du Bronze ancien 1a (2200-2000 av. J.-C.) à la fin du Bronze moyen 2 (1550-1450 av. J.-C.). La forte érosion est à l'origine de la disparition de la plupart des sols et des niveaux de fonctionnement, sauf dans l'habitation 1027, dont les murs latéraux ont en partie permis de préserver la conservation. Les autres niveaux en place constituent des remplissages de structures en creux.    L'objectif de cette contribution est de présenter les mobiliers et les écofacts du Bronze ancien et moyen, dans une perspective évolutive et culturelle. Les séquences matérielles du Bronze ancien 1, contemporaines de l'installation, sont réduites. La phase d'occupation la mieux représentée est celle du Bronze ancien 2b (1750-1650 av. J.-C.) / Bronze moyen 1 (1650-1550 av. J.-C.).    Les mobiliers céramiques incluent quelques éléments attribuables au Bronze ancien 1, comme les récipients à pseudo-perforations sublabiales alignées. L'essentiel de la production présente les caractères typiques des contextes de la transition Bronze ancien/moyen dans le sud de la Corse. Les infiltrations de répertoires italiques sont ici absentes. Les mobiliers lithiques attestent d'une forme de débitage sur galets, mais également de la présence d'outils en silex sarde pour la phase ancienne. Plusieurs meules, molettes et mortiers renseignent les pratiques alimentaires. Il faut aussi signaler la présence d'un lot de nodules facettés et polis d'hématite, dont la fonction reste en partie indéterminée. Quelques objets particuliers complètent ce panorama. Si les pièces métalliques sont absentes, quelques scories et fragments de moules en terre cuite révèlent la réalisation sur place d'outils en alliage Cu-As. En Corse, ces tendances caractérisent généralement le Bronze ancien et le début du Bronze moyen, ce qui est donc confirmé ici.    La mise en perspective des données met en relief une mutation graduelle et non synchrone des ressources mobilisées, des chaines opératoires et des répertoires. Cet état général trahit des transformations économiques en lien avec des dynamiques et des réseaux agissant à l'échelle tyrrhénienne, mais également des phénomènes d'exclusion d'ordre microrégional. Parallèlement aux innovations caractérisant les formes de l'habitat, ces évolutions définissent les particularités de la première moitié de l'âge du Bronze corse dans un territoire où les mécanismes de structuration sociale sont contraints par une géographie physique et culturelle propice au développement de formes particulières de cloisonnement.",
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            "title": "Le développement de la paléopalynologie en France à partir des années 1950, au prisme de la trajectoire d’Arlette Leroi-Gourhan: une analyse anthropologique sous l'angle du genre",
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            "abstractNote": "From the second half of the 20th century onwards, French prehistoric archaeology was part of a political context of structural reform of the bodies representing scientific research and teaching. The post-war period was thus favourable to its general development, including in terms of excavation and analysis methods. This article looks at the place occupied by women and the role they played in France in this process of institutional and scientific transformation. The scientific career of French prehistorian Arlette Leroi-Gourhan (1913-2005) is the focus of this study. We will take stock of the consequences of the general context of centralization of research institutions on women's working conditions. Indeed, it was not until the years following the creation of the Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS) in 1939 that the backstage areas of research institutions became more feminized. Nevertheless, women were mainly employed as secretaries, typists or, more rarely, as laboratory secretaries. During this period of economic depression, unemployment particularly affected married women scientists. Some joined their husbands' laboratories, either as assistants or collaborators, or more rarely as research associates, with a position that enabled them to continue their own research. Under the guise of a professional opportunity, marriage in fact reproduced, and consequently amplified, gender inequalities similar to those already in place in the private and public spheres.    The general lack of recognition of women's contributions to science is now a phenomenon that the history of science has amply documented. The multiple choices and alliance strategies to which women have turned during their careers remain to be analyzed. This is a specific and complex field of analysis that offers great promise. It is from this angle that this article intends to engage. It follows in the footsteps of historiographical works that highlight the role of women in the scientific development of archaeology. Prehistorians such as Madeleine Colani (1866-1943) and Annette Laming-Emperaire (1917-1977), both pioneers in their field, have remained as famous as their husbands, whom they followed in their field abroad. Historiography also provides numerous examples of women scientists who were recognized by their peers and who chose to maintain their independence by remaining volunteers or without institutional affiliation. This contribution follows this line, but also shows how Arlette Leroi-Gourhan succeeded in blending in with the scientific interests of her husband, André Leroi-Gourhan (1911-1986), and indirectly integrating the institutions to which he held the keys. This great figure of archaeology made a major contribution to the restructuring of the organization of French archaeological research and higher education. He also held a number of key positions of responsibility throughout his career. Arlette Leroi-Gourhan's motivation was to establish pollen analysis as a fully-fledged scientific field for archaeology (paleopalynology). The unprecedented nature of her career will be discussed, firstly from the point of view of her constant mobility between the private and public spheres, and secondly in terms of the trio she formed with her husband and research assistant, Michel Girard. Starting in the 1950s, this young chemist began working with her on a piecework basis, analyzing various pollens. He soon obtained a permanent position as a palynologist.     The aim of this study is to understand how Arlette Leroi-Gourhan managed to introduce a range of epistemological and methodological innovations while remaining on the bangs of her institution. Indeed, gender norms forced her to create her own space within a field that men had largely abandoned, a space that would later become a fully-recognized field of scientific research integrated into professional practices. The story of Arlette Leroi-Gourhan's career and her scientific work will be told through the succession of spaces in which she worked, from her kitchen laboratory to the one in which she later worked in the basement of the musée de l'Homme in Paris. It will also describe the place of two men in particular, her husband and her research assistant, who played an important role in her life and career. Through the history of their relationships, we'll see how the boundaries of the classic image of the gendered male/scientist and female/assistant duo on which social science studies have often built their analyses are blurred.     This article is based on original sources that correspond to a new oral archive consisting of around a hundred filmed interviews, part of which is online (Mémoires en partage series on Canal U, online). The information in this article was first collected in 2016 as part of my collaboration on the 2ARC project, ARChives de fouilles ARCy-sur-Cure (funded by Labex Les Passés dans le Présent, COMUE Paris-Lumière, State aid managed by ANR-11-LABX-0026-01, coordinators: Nejma Goutas, Ludovic Mevel and Pierre Bodu of UMR 8068). A second research period between 2019 and 2021 enabled me to continue data collection, as part of the ANTHROP'ARC project (funded by the DIM Matériaux Anciens et Patrimoniaux, Île-de-France, coordinators: Nejma Goutas of UMR 8068 and Baptiste Buob of UMR 7186). The interviews on which this article is based were conducted during these two research phases.\nA partir de la seconde moitié du xxe siècle, l'archéologie préhistorique française s'inscrit dans un contexte politique de réforme structurelle des instances représentatives de la recherche et de l'enseignement scientifique. La période de l'après-guerre est ainsi favorable à son développement général, y compris au niveau de ses méthodes de fouille et d'analyse. Cet article s'interroge sur la place qu'ont occupée les femmes et le rôle qu'elles ont joué dans ce processus de transformation à la fois institutionnel et scientifique. En tant qu'épouse de l'un des préhistoriens les plus influents de son époque, il est question de montrer comment Arlette Leroi-Gourhan a joué un rôle crucial dans le développement de la paléopalynologie. Ce cas auquel ni la littérature en archéologie, ni en sciences humaines et sociales ne s'est pas encore consacré jusque-là, est tout aussi exemplaire qu'inédit. Cette scientifique a construit sa carrière en marge de modes de gouvernance genrés tout en centralisant de manière innovante les apports techniques et analytiques des approches environnementales.",
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