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From Garfield

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This Week’s Citation Classic®________

\n

http://www.garfield.library.upenn.edu/classics1986/A1986C096500001.pdf

\n

[author's introduction]

\n

Thin book began in 1943, when the mathematician Nor’
bert Wiener walked into my office at MIT and recruited me
at the point of a cigar info a tong prncess of communication.
It started with a discussion about my field, interna’
tional politics, but soon turned to his own work on commu’
nication and control in machines, animals, and societies.
1
’
2
His was the mnst powerful and creative mind I
have ever encountered. We remained in ctose intellectual
contact until I moved to Yale in 1958, and we remained
close friends until his death in 1974.
His ideas were lust what I needed to develop myown. I
had been working for four years, tirst at Harvard and then
at MIT, in search of a usable theory of nationalism and the
economic and social conditions giving rise tn it. During
those four years I had immersed myselt thoroughly in the
historical, descriptive, and analytical studies of national’
mm by many authors, amongwhom Rupert Emerson, Hans
Kohn, Carlton Hayes, and Joseph A. Schumpeter were out’
ttanding. but none ot these seemed to me to provide ade’
quate answers of how and why nationalism was generated
worldwide within less than the last 200 years. Now, from
Wiener and his associates, Walter Pitts, Otiver Selfridge,
and others, I learned about the concept of information.
which the work of Claude g, Shannon had made measur’
able
3
and which, as Wiener showed, was at the heart ot alt
communication and control processes. The concept of
feedback, then only known to a few engineers, was estend’
ed by Wiener to biological and social sciences and became
another essential contribution to these wider fields. These
ideas then became major elements in myown work on na’
tionalism, and from then on, inmyown thinking, particularly
about the social sciences.

\n

I published my analysis of nationalism in 1953, and some
of my general ideas on communication theory and social
sciences appeared in various social science journals between
1947 and 19S3.~They were part of an ongoing
discussion and went, in part, beyond the work that Wiener
had done. When Selfridge remarked that the notions ot
“national consciousness” and of consciousoess in general
had no “operational meaning”— a term coined in 1927 by
the physicist Percy W. Bridgman
5
—I felt challenged to
provide one. The passages on “consciousness” in The
Nerves of Government were the result, and my notion re’
ceived a friendly reception in some quarters.
6
When I moved to Yale in 1958. some of myyounger colleagues
there—particularly Richard L Merritt, Bruce M.
Russett, and Leroy Riesetbach—urged me to organize my
ideas on cybernetics and social sciences into a book, and
The Nerves of Government appeared in 1963. Its ideas
struck many colleagues as unfamiliar, and it made its way
siowly.
The main obstacles to the wider acceptance and use ofa
cybernetic approach to politics have been twofold. It
seemed too comples to those colleagues habituated to a
humanistic and literary approach fo politics, and even to
those already used to simple analysesof statistics, correlations,
and regressions. And secondly, there was a lack of
suitable data, particularly on time variables and changes
over time. Though now, more than 20 years later, much
more data have become available.
7
the shortage of data on
time variables has not yet been wholly overcome.
Since the1960s, the approach of communications theory
and cybernetics has become widespread in the social
sciences. The ferms “feedback,” “steering,” and “learning
capacity” have become almost common in the analysis of
polifical systems. By now this approach has become part of
general systems theory (see, for esample. the journal
General Systems], and it has become an essential element
in the interactive computer mndeling of national and international
political processes.
The computer-based political world model GLOBUS at
the Science Center Berlin (Wissenschaftnzentrum Berlin
(WZB5 continues this intellectual development.~’
10
With
the help of computer simulation methods developed at
WZB by Stuart Bremer, Thomas Cussck, Wolf-Dieter Eberwein,
and their associates, this model traces the interac’
tions among 25 major nation states and in sin sectorswithin
each of them from 1960 to 1978, and then projects these interactions
and their results to the year 2010. in 10 feedback
cycles per year. This required the empirical estimation of
several thousand paramefers, showing the size and possible
asymmetry of interaction among key variables. The model
has been running since 1983; publications documenting it
and presenting early results are forthcoming. In this manner,
as well as in others, the approach of The Nerves of
Government is still at work.

\n

 

\n

==================================

\n

I published my analysis of nationalism in 1953, and some
of my general ideas on communication theory and social
sciences appeared in various social science journals between
1947 and 19S3.~They were part of an ongoing
discussion and went, in part, beyond the work that Wiener
had done. When Selfridge remarked that the notions ot
“national consciousness” and of consciousoess in general
had no “operational meaning”— a term coined in 1927 by
the physicist Percy W. Bridgman
5
—I felt challenged to
provide one. The passages on “consciousness” in The
Nerves of Government were the result, and my notion re’
ceived a friendly reception in some quarters.
6
When I moved to Yale in 1958. some of myyounger colleagues
there—particularly Richard L Merritt, Bruce M.
Russett, and Leroy Riesetbach—urged me to organize my
ideas on cybernetics and social sciences into a book, and
The Nerves of Government appeared in 1963. Its ideas
struck many colleagues as unfamiliar, and it made its way
siowly.
The main obstacles to the wider acceptance and use ofa
cybernetic approach to politics have been twofold. It
seemed too comples to those colleagues habituated to a
humanistic and literary approach fo politics, and even to
those already used to simple analysesof statistics, correlations,
and regressions. And secondly, there was a lack of
suitable data, particularly on time variables and changes
over time. Though now, more than 20 years later, much
more data have become available.
7
the shortage of data on
time variables has not yet been wholly overcome.
Since the1960s, the approach of communications theory
and cybernetics has become widespread in the social
sciences. The ferms “feedback,” “steering,” and “learning
capacity” have become almost common in the analysis of
polifical systems. By now this approach has become part of
general systems theory (see, for esample. the journal
General Systems], and it has become an essential element
in the interactive computer mndeling of national and international
political processes.
The computer-based political world model GLOBUS at
the Science Center Berlin (Wissenschaftnzentrum Berlin
(WZB5 continues this intellectual development.~’
10
With
the help of computer simulation methods developed at
WZB by Stuart Bremer, Thomas Cussck, Wolf-Dieter Eberwein,
and their associates, this model traces the interac’
tions among 25 major nation states and in sin sectorswithin
each of them from 1960 to 1978, and then projects these interactions
and their results to the year 2010. in 10 feedback
cycles per year. This required the empirical estimation of
several thousand paramefers, showing the size and possible
asymmetry of interaction among key variables. The model
has been running since 1983; publications documenting it
and presenting early results are forthcoming. In this manner,
as well as in others, the approach of The Nerves of
Government is still at work.

\n

rice of psychiatry. New York: Basic Books. 1966. 880 p.
7. Taylor C 1. & indlee D A. World handbook of
political and social indicators. New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 1983. 2 vols.
8. Deutseh K W, Frftseh B. Jaqnarfbe H & Markovltn
A S. eds. Problems of world modeling: political and
social implications. Cambridge, MA: Ballinger. 1977.
423 p.
9. Bremer S A. Simulated worlds: a computer model of
national derision making. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press. 1977. 249 p.
tO. Deutach K W. Notes on war, violence and peace
from a cybernetic point of view. lScbmidt C.
Sengbass 0 & Vsyrynen R. eds.) The questfor peace:
transcending collective violence and war among
societies. cslture and states. International Social
Science Council. 1986. In press.

\n

 

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TOC

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Table of contents

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Introduction
The Case of China’s Public Diplomacy 
The Design of the Study: Questions and Assumptions 
The Selection of Case Studies
Overview of the Chapters

Chapter 1 How to Understand Public Diplomacy: An Analytical Framework 
The Concept of Public Diplomacy
The Challenges of Public Diplomacy 2.0
Public Diplomacy and Soft Power  
Public Diplomacy and Propaganda
Subsets of Public Diplomacy 
The Domestic Dimension and the Role of Diasporas 
The Analytical Framework
Dimension I: Actors and Decision-making
Dimension II: Public Diplomacy Content
Dimension III: Public Diplomacy Instruments  
The Impact of a Country’s Political System 
The Impact of Culture on Public Diplomacy 
Conclusion 

Chapter 2 Assets and Liabilities for China’s Public Diplomacy 
The Importance of Culture
China’s Authoritarian System
Media and Social Media Censorship
Human Rights and Tibet
The Lack of Cultural Freedom
China’s Economic Rise 
The China Model 
China’s Environmental Challenges
The Copenhagen Summit
China’s Foreign Policy and Diplomacy
The Concepts of Harmonious World and Chinese Dream
China’s Military Rise and Cyber-Security
Chinese Tourists
Conclusions


Chapter 3 The Chinese Debate on Public Diplomacy 
The Introduction of Soft Power and Public Diplomacy in China  
The Chinese Understanding of Public Diplomacy 
Defining Public Diplomacy 
New Public Diplomacy and Public Diplomacy 2.0
Public Diplomacy and Propaganda
Soft Power
Cultural and People’s Diplomacy
The Domestic Dimension
Sources of Soft Power
Chinese Culture as a Source of Soft Power
The China Model as a Source of Soft Power
The Impact of Culture on Public Diplomacy
Challenges and Constraints
Conclusions

Chapter 4 China’s Public Diplomacy System
The Growing Diversity of Actors
National State Actors 
The State Council Information Office 
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Chinese Embassies and Missions Abroad
The Ministry of National Defense and the PLA
Other Ministries 
China’s Leaders
The Chinese Communist Party
The Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference
Subnational State Actors
Non-State Actors 
People’s Diplomacy Organizations
Intellectual Elites and Academic Institutions
Volunteers and Celebrities
Companies
Overseas Chinese
Consequences of the Diversification of Actors
Public Diplomacy Instruments
The Media
The New Media
Foreign Media 
Cultural Institutes and Activities
Educational Institutes and Activities
Confucius Institutes 
Foreign Aid
China’s Public Diplomacy Budget
Conclusions

Chapter 5 China’s Public Diplomacy Strategies: Asia and Africa
China’s Public Diplomacy in Asia 
South and Southeast Asia
Central Asia
Northeast Asia: Japan and South Korea
China’s Public Diplomacy in Africa
Analysis and Conclusions

Chapter 6 Proactive Public Diplomacy: Events 
The Beijing Olympic Games and the Shanghai World Expo
The 2008 Beijing Olympic Games
Winning the Olympic Bid
Olympics’ Public Diplomacy
Ceremonies
Evaluation of the Event 
Analysis
The 2010 Shanghai World Expo 
Winning the Expo Bid
World Expo Public Diplomacy
Evaluation of the Event
Lessons Learned
Analysis
Conclusions

Chapter 7 Reactive Public Diplomacy: Crises
The SARS Epidemic, Product Scandals, and the Wenchuan Earthquake
The 2003 SARS Epidemic
The Unfolding of the Crisis
Public Diplomacy Actions 
Analysis
Lessons Learned 
Food and Toy Safety Crises
The 2007 Pet Food and Toys’ Scandals
The 2008 Contaminated Milk-Powder Scandal
Analysis
The 2008 Wenchuan Earthquake
The Role of the Domestic Media
The Role of the PLA
Analysis
Conclusions

Chapter 8 The Reception of China’s Public Diplomacy
Measuring the Effect of Public Diplomacy
Global Views of China 
Interpreting Poll Results
Conclusions

Conclusion
The Importance China Attaches to Public Diplomacy
The Impact of China’s Authoritarian Political System
State-Centeredness
Media Control and Censorship
Other Impacts 
The Impact of Chinese Culture on Public Diplomacy
A Strategic and Holistic Approach 
Evolution and Challenges 
Issues for Future Research
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此外，加强 “一带一路”公共外交，一定要高度重视语言问题。为纪念中国和阿拉伯开启外交关系60周年，“翻译与中阿人文交流”国际研讨会，本月初在我的母校上海外国语大学举行，来自我国高等院校和相关机构以及阿拉伯国家150多位专家学者参加了交流研讨。

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大家普遍认为，“一带一路”建设对外语人才尤其是高级翻译人才的培养提出了新的更高要求，是机遇更是挑战。在“一带一路”沿线国家中，各国官方语言和通用语言共计57种，其中既不通用英语、也不通用俄语或阿拉伯语的国家达到24个。要加强与这些国家的交流，我国的这些小语种人才缺口很大，高水平的小语种人才短时间内很难培养出来。

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It is generally believed that the construction of \"all the way along the way\" for foreign language talents, especially the cultivation of advanced translation talents put forward new and higher requirements, opportunities and challenges. There are 57 official languages and common languages in the countries along the route, including 24 countries that are neither common English nor common in Russian or Arabic. To strengthen exchanges with these countries, China's small language talent gap is very large, high-level small language talent is difficult to cultivate a short time.

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China Public Relations Association (CIPRA).

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Guo Xiaoyong Vice president

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