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            "note": "<p>Chapter 1:</p>\n<p>Alexander, chapter 1. She opens with the quote from the boy, just<br /> labeling free: stood a brief moment in the sun: then moved back again towards slavery. From Black Reconstruction America.<br /> <br /> Page 21, she quotes legal scholar Siegel, who's concept preservation<br /> tHrougho transformation, describes the process through which white privileges maintained, though the rules and rhetoric change.<br /> <br /> On page 22, she asserts that as systems of control evolve, they become more perfect, arguably more resilient to challenge, and thus capable of enduring for generations to come.<br /> <br /> On page 23, she checked traces the idea of race in America to chattel slavery and the extermination American Indians, suggesting that it arose in order to reconcile these practices with the ideals of freedom preach by whites in the new colonies. She goes on to quote<br /> sociologists Kilty and Swank, who observed that a laminating savages it's less of a moral problem and a lemonade human being beings and therefore American Indians came to be understood as a lesser race, unsupervised savages, thus providing a justification for the extermination of the native peoples.<br /> <br /> On page 31, discussing the birth of Jim Crow, she says the death rates were shockingly high, for the private contractors and no interest in health and well-being of their laborers, unlike the earlier<br /> slaveowners who needed their slaves, had a minimum, to be healthy<br /> enough to survive hard labor.<br /> <br /> On page 32, during the decade following redemption, the config<br /> population grew 10 times faster than the general population: business became younger and blacker, and the link of their sentences soared.<br /> <br /> Page 33, during this era. There was a moment of popular leadership<br /> that bridge to black-and-white poor. One leader declared, you are kept apart that you may be separately fleeced of your earnings. You're made to hate each other because up on that hatred is rested the keystone of the arch of financial despotism that insulates you both. You're deceived and blinded that you may not see how this race antagonism perpetuates a monetary system which beggars both.<br /> <br /> On page 44, and discussing the rise of mass incarceration, Alexander explains that in the late 1960s and early 1970s, two schools of thought were offered to the general public regarding race, poverty, and the social order. Conservatives argued that poverty was caused not by structural factors related to race and class but rather by culture – particularly black culture. On the other side, Barry Goldwater argued that anti-property programs were, in effect, anticrime programs. He said that violence in the streets could not be disconnected from poverty, and use this perspective to push the agenda of the war on poverty.<br /> <br /> Page 49. On October 1982. Pres. Reagan officially announced his<br /> administration's war on drugs. Practically overnight the budgets and<br /> federal law-enforcement agencies sword. Between 1980 1984, FBI<br /> antidrug funding increased from 8,000,000 to 95,000,000. Department of<br /> Defense anti-drug allocations increased from 33,000,019 81 to 1000<br /> 42,000,019 91. During that same. DEA anti-drugs spending groove from<br /> 86 to 1000 26 million and FBI antidrug allocation screw from 38 to<br /> 181,000,000. By contrast funding for agencies responsible for drug<br /> treatment, prevention and education was dramatically reduced. The<br /> national Institute on drug abuse, had its budget reduced from<br /> 274,000,000 to 5 7 million from 1981 to 1984, and antidrug funds<br /> allocated to the Department of Education or cut from 14,000,000 to<br /> 3,000,000. At the same time Reagan lead and media campaign to justify<br /> these funding allocations, sensationalizing the emergence of crack<br /> cocaine and inner-city neighborhoods, communities devastated by<br /> deindustrialization and skyrocketing unemployment.<br /> <br /> Page 53. Alexander sites that the war on drugs was popular month I'm<br /> on key white voters, particularly why to remain present for the black<br /> progress, civil rights enforcement, and affirmative action, she goes<br /> on to say that whites, on average, I'm more punitive than blacks,<br /> despite the fact that blacks are far more likely to be victims of<br /> crime.rural whites &nbsp;and the most punitive, even though they're of the<br /> least likely to be crime victims.<br /> <br /> This paved the way for the Democratic Party, and attempt to regain control from Republicans, to adopt the tough on crime language,<br /> advocating stricter anticrime and it's a drug laws.<br /> <span style=\"color: #888888;\"><br /></span></p>",
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            "note": "<p>Intro:</p>\n<p>The new Jim Crow, Michelle Alexander. Page 5, Pres. Ronald Reagan<br /> officially announce the current drug war in 1982 before crack became an issue in the media or crisis and poor black neighborhoods. A few years after the drug war was declared, crack began to spread rapidly in the poor black neighborhoods of Los Angeles and later emerged in cities across the country. The Reagan Administration Hyatt staff to publicize the emergence of crack cocaine in 1985 as part of a strategic effort to build public and legislative support for the war.<br /> <br /> Page 7, study show that people of all colors use and sell illegal<br /> drugs at remarkably similar rates. If there are significant<br /> differences in the surveys to be found, they frequently suggest that<br /> whites, particularly white youth, I'm more likely to engage in truck<br /> prime thing people of color. That is not what one would gas, however, when entering our nations prisons and jails, which are overflowing with black and brown drug offenders. In some states, black men have been admitted to prison on drug charges at Ritz 20 to 50 times greater than those appointment. And in major cities wrecked by the drug war, as many as 80% of young African-American men now have criminal records<br /> and on the subject to legalize discrimination for the rest of their<br /> lives.<br /> <br /> <br /> Alexander references the progressive state of criminal justice policy<br /> in the 1970s. On page 8, the growing consensus among experts was perhaps best reflected by the national advisory commission on criminal justice standards and goals, which issued a recommendation in 1973<br /> that quote no new institutions for adults should be built in existing<br /> institutions for juvenile should be close. Quote this recommendation<br /> was based on their finding that quote the prison, the performance Tori in the jail have achieved only a shocking record of failure. There is overwhelming evidence that these institutions , create crime rather than prevent it. Quote page 9, quote supporters of the moratorium of<br /> the effort can be forgiven for being so naïve, quote Mauer suggests,<br /> quote since the prison expansion that was about to take place was<br /> unprecedented in human history. Quote<br /> <br /> On page 10 Alexander explains the limitations of African-American<br /> leaders to advance a criminal justice reform agenda. She shares that<br /> in January 2009, the Congressional Black Caucus send a letter to<br /> hundreds of community and organization leaders soliciting general<br /> information about film and requesting that there is enough either<br /> priorities. They lifted 35 topics criminal justice reform was not one<br /> of them. They only listed reentry. There was certainly no attention to<br /> how public safety policy impacts African-American children. Moreover, on page 11, Alexander declares that no one visiting the website of the NAACP learned that the mass incarceration of African-Americans has already eviscerated many of the hard-earnedgains that it had urged its members to protect from the civil rights movement.<br /> <br /> Her book argues that mass incarceration is, I do for Oakley, the new<br /> Jim Crow and that all those who care about social justice should fully commit themselves to dismantling the new racial caste system. On page 13, she declares the term mass incarceration refers not only to the criminal justice system but also to the larger web of laws, rules, policies, and customs that control those labeled criminals both in and out of prison. Once released former person is interested in underworld of legalized discrimination and permanent social exclusion. They are members of America's new undercast. She continues, we avoid talking about cast in our society because we are ashamed of our racial history. We also avoid talking about race. We even avoid avoid talking about class.<br /> <br /> On page 13, she continues the current system of control permanently locks at huge percentage of the African-American community out of the mainstream society and economy. The system operates to our criminal<br /> justice institutions, but it functions more like a cast system and the<br /> system of crime control. Note that Alexander prefers the term under<br /> cast to underclass, to indicate that individuals at have been<br /> permanently barred by law and custom from mainstream society.<br /> <span style=\"color: #888888;\"><br /> <br /> </span></p>",
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            "note": "<p>Chapter 2:</p>\n<p>Chapter 2 page 58. The locked out. Full-blown trials of guilt or<br /> innocence really occur, many people never even meet with an attorney, witnesses are routinely paid and coursed by the government, police regularly stop and search people for no reason, penalties for many crimes are so severe that innocent people plead guilty, excepting plea bargains to avoid harsh mandatory sentences, and children are sent to adult prisons.<br /> <br /> Convictions for drug offenses are the single most important cause of the explosion incarceration rates me United States. Drug offenses<br /> alone account for more than two thirds of the rise and the federal<br /> inmate population and more than half of the rise and state Christmas between 1985 in 2000. About a half million people are in prison or jail for a drug offense today, compared to an estimated 41,019 80.</p>\n<p><br /> This is an increase of 11000%. Drug rest of tripled since 1980. As a<br /> result, one of them 31 million people have been arrested for drug<br /> offenses since the war began. Nothing is contributed more to the<br /> systematic mass incarceration of people of color in the United States<br /> than the war on drugs.<br /> <br /> Page 59, Alexander debunks the myth that most truck arrests are a<br /> serious dealers. She says, the vast majority of those arrested or not<br /> charged with serious offenses. In 2005, 4/5 truck arrest for<br /> possession and only one out of five was for sales. Moreover, most<br /> people in state prison for drug offenses have no history of violence<br /> or significant selling activity. Another myth is that the drug ordeals<br /> mainly dangerous drugs. Alexander says, the reality is quite the<br /> opposite. Arrest for marijuana possession, a drug less harmful than<br /> tobacco or alcohol, accounted for nearly 80% of the growth and drug rest in the 1990s. The percentage of drug arrests that results in prison sentences, compared with alternative slack community service or probation, has quadrupled, resulting in a prison building boom likes of which the world is never seen. Into short decades, between 19 82,000, the number of people incarcerated in our nations prisons and jails sort from roughly 300,000 to more than 2 million. By the end of 2007,with 7 million Americans, or one in every 31 adults, we're behind bars on probation or on parole.<br /> <br /> These ships have been made possible because of dramatic changes in policing and the court's interpretation of the Constitution. The US<br /> Constitution's fourth amendment reads: the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against<br /> unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no<br /> warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or<br /> affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the person or things to be ceased. Despite the clarity of this bill of rights doctrine, the Supreme Court has repeatedly ruled in favor of unlawful search and seizure. Making it effectively awful. In a<br /> dissenting opinion in California versus Acevedo, justice Stevens said<br /> decisions like the one the court makes today will support the<br /> conclusion that this court has become a loyal footsoldier and the<br /> executives fight against crime.<br /> <br /> Page 71, drug use was actually on the decline in the war on drugs<br /> began. It's breaking the ministration made drug law enforcement a top priority. The number of annual drug rest more than tripled between 1982 &amp; 2005, as drug suites and suspicion that stops and searches proceeded in record numbers. At the time the drug war was declared, illegal drug use and abuse was not a pressing concern in most communities. The announcement of the war on drugs was their format was some confusion and resistance within law enforcement, as well as among some conservative commentators. In order to build consensus among state and federal law enforcement officials, the Reagan administration offered unprecedented cash rewards. 1997 alone, the Pentagon handed over more<br /> than 1.2 million pieces of military equipment to local police<br /> departments. One retired police chief from New Haven said, I was<br /> offered tanks bazookas, anything I wanted. Alexander describes how in less than a decade the war on drugs went from being a political slogan to an actual war. Part of this was tied to the increase in the use of SWAT team, which grew from a few hundred Philip paramilitary drug rates per year in the early 1970s to more than 3000 deployments in the 1980s every year, to more than 30,000 or 1996, 40,000 and 2001. Page 74.<br /> <br /> military style policing tactics has had traumatic consequences for<br /> children, who witnessed the swat actions. The transformation from<br /> community policing to military police, began in 1981 when Pres. Reagan persuaded Congress to pass the military cooperation with law enforcement act. This law encourage military to give local, state, and federal police access to military bases, intelligence, research,<br /> weaponry, and other equipment for truck introduction. Alexander<br /> asserts that the rise of swat teams was traceable to the Pentagon's<br /> weaponry giveaway program as well as to federal programs to provide money to local Police Department for truck control. And although the paramilitaries units were often justified to city councils and skeptical citizens as essential to fight terrorism or deal with<br /> hostage situations, they were really deployed for those reasons but<br /> instead person to serve routine search warrants for trucks and make<br /> drug <a href=\"/jar:file://mce_host/../../../../zotero.jar%21/content/zotero/tinymce/note.html\" target=\"_blank\">arrests.pg</a> 76.<br /> <br /> In examining the financial motivations for law enforcement and the war on drugs, Alexander goes beyond free military equipment in training. She points to changes in legislation that allowed for law enforcement to financially benefit from what they seized in drug grades. Between 1988 and 1992 alone, drug task force is seized over $1 billion in assets. This often allowed big-time drug dealers to exchange the assets for shorter prison sentences, further confirming the disproportionate impact of the war on drugs on smalltime dealers.</p>\n<p><br /> Alexander asserts that federal truck for forfeiture laws are one<br /> reason that state and federal prisons now confine large numbers of men and women who've played minor roles and drug distribution networks, but few of their bosses. Page 79. She quotes Bloomington and Nielsen.<br /> <br /> On page 83 Alexander points to the role of legal misrepresentation in the rise and a prison numbers. She asserts, once chances of ever being truly free of the system of control are slim after arrest. Defendants are typically denied meaningful legal representation, pressured by the threat of a lengthy sentence into a plea park, and then placed under formal control, and prison or jail, on probation or parole. Most Americans probably have no idea how common it is for people to be convicted without ever having the benefit of legal representation, or how many people plead guilty to crimes they did not commit because of fear of mandatory sentences. Tens of thousands of poor people go to jail every year without ever talking to a lawyer, and those who do meet with the lawyer for drug offense often spend only a few minutes discussing their case and options before making a decision that will profoundly affect the rest of their lives.<br /> <br /> On pages before Alexander continues, approximately 80% of criminal defendants are indigent and thus unable to hire a lawyer. Get a nation's public defender system is woefully inadequate. On page 85, almost no one ever goes to trial. You're the all criminal cases are resolved through plea bargaining, a guilty plea by the defendant in exchange for some form of leniency by the prosecutor. According to American Violet, this number is 90% of all felony cases are settled toplea bargain.<br /> <br /> Mandatory minimum sentencing prison huge willingness, effectively<br /> eliminating judicial discretion. Alexander points out that the most<br /> famous Supreme Court decision upholding mandatory minimum sentences this locker press on trade, page 89. In that case, the court rejected constitutional challenges to sentences of 25 years without parole for man who perps toll three golf clubs from a pro shop, and 50 years without parole for another man for stealing children's video tapes from a Kmart store. Page 90, the clear majority of those subject harsh mandatory minimum sentences in the federal system on drug offenders.</p>\n<p><br /> Most of low level, minor drug dealers, not truck kingpins. In 2003<br /> Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy said to the American Bar<br /> Association, our prison resources are misspent, our punishments toosevere, our sentences to load. He added, I can except neither the<br /> necessity nor the wisdom of federal mandatory minimum sentences and all too many cases, mandatory minimum sentences are unjust.<br /> <br /> Page 92, most people imagine that the explosion US prison populationduring the past 25 years reflects changes in crime rates. You would just at our prison population left from approximately 350,000 to 2.3 million in such a short period of time due to changes in laws and policies, not changes in crime rates. Page 93, the extraordinary increase in prison admissions to do parole and probation violations as to almost entirely to the war on drugs. With respect to parole, and 1980, only 1% of all prison admissions were parole filers. 20 years later, more than one third of prison admissions resulted from parole<br /> violations. Alexander puts the matter more starkly, about as many<br /> people return to prison for parole violations in 2000 as were admitted to prison in 1980 for all reasons. 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            "note": "<p><em>Chapter 3: The Crisis of Penal Moderism</em><br /><br />Support for penal-welfarism began to collapse in mid 1970s. 53</p>\n<ul>\n<li>Critiques of Correctionalism</li>\n<li>Attacks on indeterminate sentencing and individualized treatment.</li>\n<li>Critique was initially progressive; seeking to minimize imprisonment and the use of state power. </li>\n<li>Results were the opposite of what was intended.</li>\n<li>Decline of the othodox ideology behind the rehabilitative model. 53</li>\n<li>That liberal progressive ideal now seemed dangerous; academics, politicians, and later practitioners all disinvested. 54</li>\n</ul>\n<p><br />Criticism of Penal-Welfarism: 55</p>\n<ul>\n<li>Attacked the 'individualized treatment model.'</li>\n<li>American Friends Service Committee report asserted the individualized model enabled discriminatory practice by the State.</li>\n<li>AFSC report spoke of prisoners resistance to 'treatment' practices. 55</li>\n<li>Stated that discriminatory treatment powers of the state were used by penal institutions to control and ruling elites to maintain their own interests. 56</li>\n<li>Called for full range of services (education, psychiatry) to be freely provided to everyone, on the inside and on the streets. 56</li>\n<li>--&gt; A critique launched from withing the framework of welfare social democracy. 56</li>\n<li>60s/70s brought emergence of new 'sociologies of deviance' that saw crime as a rational meaningful act, and that 'deviance' was a negotiated status. 57</li>\n<li>AFSC authors had seen the criminal justice state used as a tool of repression in the 60s and 70s. </li>\n<li>Report was concerned with \"individual dignity and freedom of expression.\" [Think Harvey: Neoliberalism honors individuality, removes social justice]. 57</li>\n<li>Rejected treatment model. Established orthodoxies said to be \"based on a tissue of myths and falsehoods.\" 58</li>\n<li>--&gt; \"paradigm-threatening character.\"&nbsp; 58</li>\n<li>Of the attacks points, the critique of indeterminate sentencing and the discretionary powers it enabled carried the most popular weight. 58</li>\n</ul>\n<p><br />Formation of Ideological Policy Vacuum and Rise of Retributive Arguments: 59</p>\n<ul>\n<li>Retribution was argued as an end in and of itself for the first time in decades in <em>Doing Justice</em>.</li>\n<li>NeoConservative James Q. Wilson argued for certain and fixed punishments in <em>Thinking About Crime</em>; Scorned crime reduction through social programs or economic redistribution.</li>\n<li>Called for harsher policing, more deterrence, more control, and less welfare. 59</li>\n<li>Major Transformations in Sentencing Policy: In 1970 all US states had indeterminate sentencing. 30 years later almost all states had gone the other way. 60</li>\n<li>Mandatory Minimums introduced in every state and at Federal level.&nbsp; Many states became more punitive than ever. MN was a rare exception. 61</li>\n<li>Hard-line policies like long-term lockdown won the day. Original critical calls for community corrections lost ground, proportionality replaced by penality. 61</li>\n<li>\"Nothing Works\"... Collapse of faith in correctionalism. [Shift in Belief Structures]; Institutions viewed as ineffective. </li>\n<li>Broad Skepticism affected policing; Police ability to prevent/deter criminals called into question. 61</li>\n<li>Rising crime rates of the 1970s and 1980s.</li>\n<li>Rehabilitation and Correctionalism lost major stock; there was no developed framework ready to take it's place.</li>\n<li>\"Instead of being the highpoint of a century-long correctionalist project, the late 1970s became the ground zero for a newly contested field of crime control.\" 63</li>\n</ul>\n<p><br />Role of Criticism in Institutional Structural Change: 63</p>\n<ul>\n<li>\"Major historical events are always 'born of general causes [and] completed as it were, by accidents.\" -Raymond Aron</li>\n<li>Critical writings given <em><strong>contextual power</strong></em> by institutional and cultural circumstances. 64</li>\n<li>Helps explain why negative evaluations and critiques were not explained through implementation failure. 65</li>\n<li>Rise of radical criminology; Voice of the poor starts to be heard (60s/70s). 66</li>\n<li>Fear of crime was much less widespread at that time. Popular crime anxieties could still be explained as media hype. 66</li>\n<li>Control, rather than crime, was the central concern of a radical criminology centered on \"expressive freedom and the liberation of individuals from arbitrary authority.\" 66</li>\n<li>--&gt; Mounted an \"attack on the institutional epistomology of the criminological mainstream.\" They measured criminal justice as it related to their radical ideals rahter than distance from a more punitive past. 67</li>\n<li>In short time period progressive academics went from beingnatural supporters of penal-welfarism to \"devastating critics.\" 67</li>\n<li>--&gt; A key insight given that penal-welfarism was propped up by the knowledge class professional who staffed it. The middle and working classes had no stake in the system. 68</li>\n<li>While penal-welfarism stressed social scientific knowledge, it also generated large body of evidence identifying it's failures. 68</li>\n</ul>\n<p><br />'Nothing Works' Sentiment Rose through 1970s and 1980s: 69</p>\n<ul>\n<li>\"Emotive Overreaction\" becomes \"Conventional Wisdom\" in short time period. 69</li>\n<li>\"Just as revolutions occur on the back of rising expectation that are suddenly thwarted, reactions of a major kind occur when a programme with high expectations produces dissappointing results.\" 69 </li>\n<li>Three dimensions of critique on correctionalism: Perversity Thesis ('Everything Backfires'), Futility Thesis ('Nothing Works'), Jeopardy Thesis ('Justice is in Jeopardy')... all combine as part of the mainstream reactionary movement. 70</li>\n<li>Major shifts catalyzed by stength of reactionary movement rather than intellectual power... \"momentary alliance of accumulated enemies.\" 71</li>\n<li>Anti-correctionalist movement paved the way for unanticipated changes. 72</li>\n</ul>\n<p><br /> \"My claim will be that the structures and ideologies of modern crime control collapsed (where they did indeed collapse) not just because of intellectual critique, nor even because of penological failure,but because they lost their grounding in supportive ways of life and consonant forms of belief. The social structures and cultural sensibilities that supported the field were themselves transformed.\" 73 --&gt; Dominant Narratives and Perceptions Shifted.</p>",
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            "note": "<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><em>Chapter 2: Modern Criminal Justice and the Penal-Welfare State</em></p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Examines the structure of thought where policy is formed, debates are framed, and action is oriented:</p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>Penal-Welfare Structure combines liberal legalism (due process, proportionate sentencing) with correctionalist commitment to rehabilitation, welfare, and expertise. 27</li>\n<li>It was deeply embedded into the field through the 1970's when startling transformations began to occur.</li>\n</ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">History of \"Law Enforcement\": The term used to reference the imposition of the King's soverieng will. Only later did it come to reference the state's system for dealing with criminal offenses.</p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>We've grown used to thinking of the state as the standard mechanism for dealing with crime. 29</li>\n<li>Nation State won control for policing and punishment away from secular and spiritual authorities, this power was channeled into criminal justice agencies--&gt; The dawn of the modern criminal justice state. Punishments lost their localized character, became more firmly and uniformly enforced by the state. 30</li>\n<li>The maintenance of law and order became a part of the state's social contract with law-abiding citizens. 30</li>\n<li>Crime control became the work of state-santioned experts, taking the power and responsibility away from citizens and civil society. 31</li>\n<li>Meanwhile the purpose of policing shifted more explicitly towards crime control, having originally been focused on ensuring safe commerce and trade. The preventative nature of policing (Informal controls, regulation os social and economic activity) began to be displaced. 31</li>\n</ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Modernization has brought: structural differentiation, bureacratic organization, strong state agengies, professional oversight into nearly all dimension of modern life.&nbsp; It is in this context that criminal justice institutions were formed.32</p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>As public police took greater responsibility for the general safety, they became to 'serve' more than just the eilte and state interests. 32</li>\n<li>\"The presence of professionals tended to deskill the people and to relieve them of the sense that crime control was their responsibility.\" 32</li>\n<li>Lowering levels of crime and violence in the first half of the 20th century allowed the criminal justice state to claim \"a measure of success,\" although other factors like religious revivals and work organization were also strong candidates as causal factors. 33</li>\n<li>1970s British Election Manifesto: \"Crime concerns all of us, but only government can take effective action.\" 34 [Note this reinforces the state's monopoly on violence]. Crime control largely understood as top-down matter, minimizing the involvement of ordinary citizens.</li>\n<li>Under Penal-Welfarism \"the prison was widely regarded as counter-productive from the point of view of reform and individual correction.\" 35</li>\n<li>At the level of appearance, conscessions were made to punitive desires of the public. At the level of the practice, expert decision makers were empowered. This dual nature functioned well in the absence of outside scrutiny. 35</li>\n<li>--&gt; Increase in 'social experts on delinquency'... formerly legal terrain was now inhabited by social workers, psychologists, probation officers... social authorities and professional groups. 36</li>\n</ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The Right and the Left of Penal Welfarism:</p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>Liberals: Crime caused by inequality, prisons cannot solve the problem. Police cannot be trusted.</li>\n<li>Conservatives: Prison and tough sanctions serve a deterrent effect. Individual responsibility.</li>\n<li>Question of what balance between the two. Both invoked different penal-welfare sentiments.</li>\n<li>Practical agreements were made, habitus was formed, othodoxies shaped alongside the field overall character</li>\n</ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Two early axioms of penal-welfarism (late 19th Century) 38-39</p>\n<ol style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>Social reform combined with affluence would reduce the frequency of crime.</li>\n<li>State is responsible for the care, punishment, and control of the offender.</li>\n</ol> \n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>\"The state was to be an agent of reform as well as repression, of care as well as control, of welfare as well as punishment.</li>\n<li>Standard modern response to most social problems, including crime: combo of \"social work and social reform, professionial treatment and public provision.\" 39</li>\n<li>While criminological theory was advocating crime prevention, resources were being invested largely into control via bureacratic means. </li>\n<li>Prison became the space where rehabilitation was to happen, where treatment was received and intervention made. 39</li>\n</ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Intervention \"after the damage is done, addressing consequences rather than causes, focusing on an already-formed (and often incorrigible) individuals rather than the social processes that are already producing the next generation. Penal-welfarism, located as it was within the criminal justice state, was structured in a self-limiting, self-defeating way. 40</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Modernist interventions have a high level of confidence in the state.</p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>Transfer of legitimacy to state-sanctioned experts.</li>\n<li>\"The normative system of law had to give way to the normalizing system of science, punishment had to be replaced by treatment.\" 40</li>\n<li>By early 1970s the discourse of high modernism was dominant among penal reformers, correctional experts, and government officials. 41</li>\n<li>\"Punishment\" all but disappeared from this dominant discourse; while remaining strong in popular culture... re-emerges in 1980s and 1990s.</li>\n</ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><br /> Institutional developments, penal welfare or otherwise, depend on and give rise to various forms of knowledge... \"social case-work, forensic psychiatry, medico-legal science, criminological discourse.\" 41</p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>Individual criminality served as the object of knowledge for many of these fields.</li>\n<li>Expert Approach fueled by depth psychology notions of causality.</li>\n<li>\"The <em>crime </em>problem came to be viewed as a <em>criminal </em>problem.\" 43</li>\n<li>Research focused on understanding the individual criminal, how environment impacted individual offenders, etc. 43</li>\n<li>20s and 30s- Criminality understood as consequence of social deprivation; poor parenting, poverty, etc.</li>\n<li>50s and 60s- reworked as relative deprivation thesis amidst rising affluence.</li>\n<li>Cure consistently seen as \"the expansion of prosperity and the provision of social welfare.\" </li>\n<li>Correctionalist criminology shares \"institutional epistimology\" whereby crime is a problem of individual offenders. 44 [FOCUS ON THE INDIVIDUAL] </li>\n<li><em><strong>Emphasis on individual offenders and their psychological processes distracted from other ways of conceiving the problem and acting upon it.</strong></em> 44</li>\n<li>Hobbesian problem of order prompted the criminal justice state.</li>\n<li>Marxists problem of order prompted the penal welfare state... \"the social and political instability caused by class antagonism and unregulated economic exploitation.\" 45 [Tie to Gilmore]. --&gt; Both UK and USA set up \"new mechanisms of economic management and public investment.\" 45... Social and economic security pursued through \"interventionist state, pooled risk, and some degree of redistribution.\" National economies were being stabilized in the post-war years. 46</li>\n<li>John Rawls: Justice requires a guarenteed minimum of provision before any competition for resources can begin. 46</li>\n<li>Welfare state accelerated a 'professional society.' New state forms staffed by professional workers.&nbsp; 1960s gave rise to 'social service professionals' . 47 --&gt; government through experts.</li>\n</ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><br /> \"What were the social and historical conditions that underpinned criminological modernism and the penal welfare compromise?\" 48</p>\n<ul style=\"text-align: left;\">\n<li>Style of Governance: Social democratic form of politics and narrative of inclusion.</li>\n<li>Capacity for Social Control: Penal-Welfarism depended on ability of civil society to channel indivual's activities in law-abiding directions. 49</li>\n<li>Economic Context: Conditions favorable to welfare provision, public spending, and some redistribution. 49 </li>\n<li>Authority of Social Expertise: Development of social and psyciatric professionals. 50 </li>\n<li>Support of Social Elites: Influential political classes, government officials, academics. 50 </li>\n<li>Perceived Validity and Effectiveness: High level of confidence behind correctionalist ideas for most of 20th century. 50</li>\n<li>Absence of Active Public or Political Opposition: Penal-welfare policies came from top down, from professionals and reforming politicians, not from any popular movement. 51 </li>\n</ul>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>",
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            "note": "<p><strong>Preface &amp; Chapter 1: A history of the Present</strong></p>\n<p>Book explores social responses to crime between 1970 and 200 in US and UK. Identifies broad organizing principles that structure how we think and act in crime control and criminal justice.</p>\n<p> </p>\n<p><em>Preface</em>:</p>\n<ul>\n<li>Scholarly dialectic requires the tension between generalization and specification; broad relevance vs. over simplification. </li>\n<li>\"My argument will be that 'late modernity' -- the distinctive pattern of social, economic, and cultural relations that emerged in America, Britain, and elsewhere in the developed world in the last third of the twentieth century - brings with it a cluster of risks, insecurities, and control problems that have played a crucial role in shaping our changing response to crime.\" viii </li>\n<li>US incarcerates its citizens at a rate that is 6-10 times greater than comparable nations - Tendency of European nations to emulate US crime control policies </li>\n<li>Examines shifts in field as a whole via its dimensions: policing, sentencing, punishment, criminological theory, penal philosophy, penal politics, private security, crime prevention, the treatment of victims, etc. </li>\n<li>Argues that crime control field has been influenced most by 'social organization of late modernity' and 'free market' + conservative turn. </li>\n<li>Analyzes how - police departments, prosecution agencies, courts, prisons, government officials, elected officials - were confronted by new sets of problems. </li>\n<li>Identifies public ambivalence that gives rise to divergent paths of action. xi </li>\n<li>Crime Complex: refers to cultural formations in and around the field/institutions of crime control. --&gt; Legitimizes anti-welfare politics and depiction of an undeserving underclass. </li>\n</ul>\n<p> </p>\n<p><em>Chapter 1: A History of the Present </em></p>\n<p>\"We quickly grow used to the way things are.\" 1</p>\n<ul>\n<li>Follows Foucault's call to start our examinations with the way things actually are. </li>\n<li>Garland's study has historical, penological, and sociological dimensions </li>\n<li>Under penological frame; examines the habitus (Bourdieu) of practitioners; ingrained dispositions, working ideologies, standard orientations. 5 -</li>\n<li>What has shifted? Conceptions of social order, ways of maintaining social cohesion, managing group relations, etc. --&gt; New strategies of governance. </li>\n<li>\"Such is the densely woven character of social relations, that an inquiry into the transformation of one institutional field inexorably leads to questions about contiguous fields and about the cultural, political, and economic relations that underlie them.\" 6 </li>\n<li>Shifts grounded in structures of social relations and a new pattern of cultural sensibilities. </li>\n</ul>\n<p> </p>\n<p>12 INDICES OF CHANGE...</p>\n<ol>\n<li>1) THE DECLINE OF THE REHABILITATIVE IDEAL. \"The rehabilitative possibilities of criminal justice measures are routinely subordinated to other penal goals, particularly retribution, incapacitation, and the management of risk.\" 8 -&gt; Belief in rehabilitation as central support structure for modern penality; it's decline brought reworking of the field. 8 -&gt; Generalized sentencing policy strengthened retributive discourse which paved way for more draconian laws. 9 </li>\n<li>2) RE-EMERGENCE OF PUNITIVE SANCTIONS AND EXPRESSIVE JUSTICE - Expressive Punishment- Whereby the expression of public sentiment takes precedence over the judgement of penological experts. </li>\n<li> 3) CHANGES IN THE EMOTIONAL TONE OF CRIME POLICY - \"Fear of crime has come to be regarded as a problem in and of itself\" 10 </li>\n<li>4) THE RETURN OF THE VICTIM - Feelings/Interests of Victims increasingly invoked in justification of punitive measures. 11 --&gt; Zero-sum policy game: Offenders gain cast as victims loss. 11 --&gt; Reconstitution of the victim tied to redefinition of the public. 11 --&gt; New collective meaning of victimhood; shifted relationship between actual victims, symbolic victims, and public institutions of crime control. </li>\n<li>5) THE PUBLIC MUST BE PROTECTED - Emphasis on: need for security, containment of danger, identification/management of risk ---&gt; protecting the public. [How might this be tied to protection of capital investments?] -Prison now focused on incapacitation/restraint ; Parole/Probation focused on risk-monitoring instead of social work. 12 -\"The call for protection from the State has been increasingly displaced by the demand for protection by the State.\" 12 </li>\n<li> 6) POLITICIZATION AND THE NEW POPULISM - Policymaking becomes more populist; policymaking professionals displaced by political action committees and advisers. --&gt; Narrowing of debate; Convergence of proposals by all political parties. 13 </li>\n<li>7) THE RE-INVENTION OF THE PRISON - Under Post-War Penal-Welfarism, prison viewed as last resort, alternatives to incarceration supported. --&gt; This long-term tendency reversed in the last 25 years. --&gt; Assumption that 'Prison Works' for purposes of incapacitation and meeting popular demands for retribution. ---&gt; Prison went from declining correctional institution to \"indispensable pillar of contemporary social order.\" 14 </li>\n<li>8) THE TRANSFORMATION OF CRIMINOLOGICAL THOUGHT - Old School: Solution to crime was about individual correction, support/supervision of families, welfare-enhancing social reform like education &amp; job creation. --&gt; 1970's New School emerges centered on Control Theories... social controls, situational controls, self-controls. 15 --&gt; Crime can be explained through standard motivational pattern. 16 ---&gt; Control theories assume crime is an inevitable part of our society and that humankind is primarily self-interested. 15 --&gt; Retreat from belief in the perfectability of man brings focus on enforcing dscipline. 15 VS. Welfare State criminologies that viewed crime as deviation from the norm, explicable via individual pathologies and faulty socialization. 16 - \"The new policy advice is to concentrate on substituting prevention for cure, reducing the supply of opportunities, increasing situational and social controls, and modifying everyday routines.\" 16 </li>\n<li>9) EXPANDING INFRASTRUCTURE OF CRIME PREVENTION AND COMMUNITY SAFETY - Rise of a \"new crime control establishment that draws upon the new criminologies of everyday life to guide its actions and mould its techniques.\" 17 --&gt; Rise in Preventative Partnerships </li>\n<li>10) CIVIL SOCIETY AND THE COMMERCIALIZATION OF CRIME CONTROL - Preventative practices and authorities, blurs the distinction between public and private. 17 --&gt; Shifts boundaries of the state. --&gt; Expansion of private security industry; Increasingly seen as government partner. 17 --&gt; Policing has become a mixed economy. 18 --&gt; Public sector agenies (prisons, parole, courts, etc) remodeled and realigned with values/practices of private sector. </li>\n<li>11) NEW MANAGEMENT STYLES AND WORKING PRACTICES - Sentencing shifts from individualized art to mechanical application of guidelines and mandatory minimums. 18 - Emphasis on cost-effectiveness creates more selective [targeted] enforcement. 19 - Major tension between cost-saving measures like drug treatment, community-based prevention, &amp; excessive spending on politically popular practices like mass incarceration. 19 --&gt; Ongoing tension between community practitioners and political decision-makers. 19 </li>\n<li>12) A PERPETUAL SENSE OF CRISIS - Phenomenon like high-crime and recidivism rates (one interpreted as implementation-failure) are now being recognized as evidence of theory-failure. 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            "note": "<p>Gilmore sets out to explain how one of the worlds most of first<br />political economies has executed a prison building plan that<br />government analysts have called the biggest in the history of the<br />world. She charts changes and state structure, local and regional<br />economies, and social activities. She calls this a tale of fractured<br />collectivities and a fit for attempts to reconstruct themselves.<br />Commenting on sentencing reform, she observes that the laws had<br />written into the Penal Code breathtakingly cruel twist in the meaning and practice of justice. In part, she's analyzing ideas systems and the structures which supports them, but more so she is looking at the on the ground political economy. She is responding to questions which have arrived out of her activism: why prisons? Why now? Why for so many people – especially people of color? And why were they located so far from prisoners homes?<br />...<br />Scholar activism: the questions and analysis driving this book came<br />from the work encountered in everyday activism on the ground. In<br />scholarly research, answers are only as good as the further questions they provoke, while for activists, answers are as good as the tactics they make possible. Knowledge power. If agency is the human ability to craft opportunity from the wherewithal of everyday life, and agency and structure are products of each other.<br /><br />Racism is the state sanctioned or extralegal production and<br />exploitation of group differentiated vulnerability to premature death. States are institutions made up of sub institutions that often work at cross purposes, but they get direction from the prevailing platforms and priorities of the current government. Capital, the wealth of the profit systems development ability, is also a relation, since you could not exist if workers did not produce goods for less than what they're sold for and buy goods in order to go back to work and make, move, or grow more stuff. Gets into grassroots planning, how alternative uses of the resources of everyday life might otherwise have been organized.<br />.....<br />It takes muscular political capacity to realize widescale<br />dispossession of people who have formal rights, and historically those who fill prisons have collectively lacked political clout commensurate with the theoretical power and rights suggest. Gilmore continues, page 12, defined in the simple terms of the secular state, crime means a violation of the law. Laws change, depending on what, and his social order, counts as stability, and who, and a social order, needs to be controlled. Numerous histories and criminological treatises show shifts over time and what crime is and why it matters. As we can see the crime is not fixed, it follows that crimes relationship to prisons is the outcome of social theory and practice, rather than the only possible source of stability through control. She points she points to for possible control Logix behind presents, retribution, deterrence, rehabilitation, or incapacitation. Speaking on incapacitation: incapacitation doesn't pretend to change anything about people except where they are.</p>\n<p>It is in a simpleminded way, then, the geographical<br />solution that purports to solve social problems by extensively and<br />repeatedly removing people from this ordered, de industrialized<br />milieux and depositing them somewhere else. Critically, those<br />imprisoned are not the quote terrible few. When it comes to crime and prisons, the few whose difference might horribly abrupt stand in for the mini whose difference is emblazoned on surfaces of skin,<br />documents, and maps – color, Credo, citizenship, communities,<br />convictions. Quoting clear, she shows how imprisonment can leave to instability rather than stability. Only two or three need to be<br />removed from in to produce greater instability in a community of<br />people who, when employed, make, move, or care for things.</p>\n<p>Prisons wear out places by wearing out people, you respective of whether they have done time. The book asks, what happens in the urban neighborhoods prisoners come from where and when people start talking to each other again. Gilmore critiques the dominant explanation for prison growth: which says that crime went up, we crack down, crime came down.</p>\n<p>She asserts that crime had already started to go down before the great prison Roundup. Another explanation for the prison boom is the drug academic epidemic and the presumed threat to public safety posed by the unrestrained use and trade of illegal substances , yet according to the BJ asked, illegal drug use among all kinds of people throughout the United States declined drastically starting in the mid 1970s.</p>\n<p>Another explanation for the prison boom is that changes in structural unemployment and employment opportunities left large numbers of people challenge to find new income sources, and they turn to quote a illegal entitlements. Other analysts attribute the prison boom to racism and a new form of slavery, yet as Gilmore asserts very few pistons to any work for people. She also rejects the profit motivation, as 95% of all prisons and jails are publicly owned and operated. Another explanation is that Christians were built to bring jobs to depressed rural areas, yet we know the fiscal benefits to prison towns are difficult if impossible to locate.<br /><br />The state makes things, but it is also a product of what's made and<br />destroyed – of the constant creation and destruction of things such as schools, hospitals, art museums, nuclear weapons, and prisons.<br />Gillmor: a conspiracy? Not likely. Systemic? Without a doubt. She<br />positions prison growth as a response to the political activity and<br />disorderly conduct of the 1960s, where by the state individualize his<br />disorder in to singular instances of criminality, quoting Alan<br />Feldman.<br /><br />The US welfare state has been dubbed military Keynesianism – to denote the centrality of war making to socioeconomic security.<br /><br />In Gilmore's view, prisons are partial geographical solutions to<br />political economic crises, organized by the state, which is itself in<br />crises. Crises means instability that can be fixed only through<br />radical measures, which include developing new relationships and new or renovated institutions out of what already exists.<br /><br /><br /><br />.....<br /><br />It is a profound example of state-level storytelling rooted in<br />economic geography. She asserts that as a class, convicts are D<br />industrial eyes cities working or work less poor. And uses this to<br />explain the incredible growth in California's prison population. She<br />observes that the Department of Corrections has become the largest<br />state agency, employing a heterogeneous workforce of 54,000 people.</p>\n<p><br />The practice of putting people in cages for part or all of their lives<br />is a central feature in the development of secular states,<br />participatory democracy, individual rights, and contemporary notions of freedom. These institutions of modernity, shaped by the rapid growth of cities and industrial production, based a challenge – most acutely where capitalism flourished unfettered – to produce stabilityfrom the accumulation and useful administration of people on the move in a society of strangers. According for call.</p>\n<p>Prisons both depersonalized social control, so that it could be bureaucratically managed across time and space, and satisfied the demands of reformers who largely prevailed against bodily punishment, which nevertheless endures and the death penalty and many torturous conditions of confinement. Gilmore continues: the rise of prisons is coupled with two major up evil stash the rise of the word freedom to stand in for what's desirable and the rise of civic activist to stand up for who's dispossessed.</p>",
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