Eliassen et al. agree with other researchers that “established patterns of religious coping can mitigate distress” but they argue that “heightened stress exposure may elicit increased prayer among the less religious” young adults.
In this study, Eliassen et al. examined the association between subjective religiosity (religious self-perception and coping) and depression:
\"The purpose of this study was to assess the nature of the relationship between subjective religiosity and psychological distress in a context of other well-established risk and protective factors [like social support from family and friends and higher socioeconomic status]. Our findings suggest that the links between religiosity and depression may be more complex than previously proposed” (195).
This study seeks \"to refine the knowledge of who stands to benefit from religion and under what circumstances” (187):
\"The aim of this study is to refine our understanding of how other potential risk or protective factors (sociodemographic status, social support, and stress) can work together with religiousness in mapping out who stands to benefit from (or perhaps be handicapped by) religious involvement at this crucial transition point” (190)
Subject(s) of study: \"1,803 Miami-Dade County [college-age] young adults interviewed between 1997 and 2000” (187); “most of our respondents in this study were between 19 and 21 years of age at the time of interview” (188)
SIGNIFICANT: gender, levels of stress, moderately religious
--They found that moderately religious young women reported higher levels of depression than either nonreligious or very religious young women
—There was no significant relationship between depression and religiosity for men: \"we find substantial differences between young women and young men” (193)
—\"young women are, on average, both more depressed and more religious than young men-and the same holds true for African Americans as compared with non-Hispanic whites” (192).
—“[that the] relationship between subjective religiosity and depression applies to young women but not to young men in our sample should not be surprising, given that--at least in Western industrialized societies--women are much more likely than men both to be religiously active and to suffer from depression” (196)
—Their analysis \"ruled out race/ethnicity and parental socioeconomic status as potential moderators of the association between subjective religiosity and depressive symptoms” (193)
—However, “higher socioeconomic status does predict a significantly lower level of depressive symptomatology” (194)
—Their analysis (in terms of race/ethnicity) only represents the experiences of non-Hispanic whites, African Americans, persons of Cuban heritage, and non-Cuban Hispanics: \"Because ethnic contrasts are integral to the present analyses, we exclude those 18 respondents who self-reported some other ethnic status (e.g., African Haitian or African Caribbean)” (191).
—Their results “[suggest] that social support and religiosity are distinctly related to distress” (194)
—“Chronic stress, recent life events, and day-to-day discrimination emerge as potent risk factors positively associated with depressive symptoms. The apparent protective effects of family support are reduced by nearly 32 percent” (194)
—Stress reduced the protective factor of \"friends’ support by nearly 38 percent” (194)
—“[religiosity] may be protective against depression, for highly religious persons” (197).
--\"Religious commitment that is associated with adverse mental health outcomes typically involves negative coping patterns characterized by callousness, anger, and conflict” (190).
INSIGNIFICANT: socioeconomic status, social support [alison: makes sense since that racist’s “culture of poverty” (Moynihan 1969) theory was debunked a while ago]
—Contra earlier studies, their study did NOT find \"any relationship between religious service attendance and depressive symptoms” (196).
—\"Measures of public religiosity available in the data set (membership in religious organizations and attendance at religious services) were not significantly related to depressive symptoms in our preliminary analyses (not reported)” (197).
Their results support:
\"Ross's (1990) interpretation that persons firm in their belief or nonbelief are better off psychologically than those who are uncertain or wavering in their religious commitment” (195)
AND/OR:
\"persons whose lives are somehow in conflict with religious values that still hold sway over them may be at increased risk of depression (Sorenson, Grindstaff, and Turner 1995; Strawbridge et al. 1998)” (195).
According to Ross, \"[t]he highest distress levels were found among those who [had] not made a commitment, who belong[ed] to a religion not out of choice but out of indifference\" (1990:243)” (qtd. on 190).
\"A firmly grounded religious outlook can mitigate the impact of adversity (eventful or chronic stressors) on health outcomes such as depressive symptomatology at various points in the stress process described by Pearlin and colleagues (Pearlin 2002; Pearlin et al. 1981)” (189)
DEFINITIONS:
“depressive symptomatology”:
Based on the \"20-item Center for Epidemiology Studies Depression Scale (CESD) (Radloff 1977)” with some changes—they asked subjects about their experiences with depressive symptoms over the course of 1 month instead of 1 week and they also combined \"the response categories \"'not at all,’\" and \"’occasionally’” (191)
\"religious salience (perception of self as religious)” (190, emphasis added)
“subjective religiosity”:
nonreligious (1: usually not at all) / moderately religious / very religious (4: usually a lot)
social support:
measured subjects’ perceptions of levels of social support in terms offamily support and friends support (191)
stress exposure:
4 types of stress: \"recent life events [like serious accidents or injuries, deaths, and relationship or financial crises], chronic stress [residential/neighborhood stressors], lifetime [exposure to] major and potentially traumatic events [such as witnessing serious illness, violence, abuse, or disaster], and perceived discrimination [both everyday and major events expected to interfere with social and economic achievement]” (192)
Originaltexte in neuer Übers. zu verschiedenen Themen Bibliography p. 199 - 204
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Islam is not found in books, it is here. —Nabatiyya resident,Ashura 2000 Lebanon is a small country, roughly the size of Connecticut, but the venerable southern city of al-Nabatiyya seems a continent away from the fussy lifestyles, the bustling restaurants, and the Hard Rock Cafes of cosmopolitan Beirut. The minute or so drive from Beirut to Nabatiyya is not just a departure from the capital’s sensual delights but a sojourn to a part of the country that lived in the vortex of conflict for more than three decades. Many Beiruti bon vivants are aghast at the prospect of making the southward trek. Yet, for Lebanon’s largest sect, the . million or so Shiite Muslims (about percent of the total population), Nabatiyya is the commercial center in Jabal halfringleftsuperscript Amil, the Shiite heartland that extends from the wadis and hills of southern Lebanon to the southern Biqa valley. In fact, every weekend there is what seems a tidal flow of people from the overwhelmingly Shiite Muslim suburbs of Beirut southward as Shiites head to the al-dai halfringleftsuperscript ah, “the village,” which is usually taken to mean “going to the countryside” where life is simple, wholesome, and unblemished by urban vices. Except during the bone-chilling, often icy winter in Jabal halfringleftsuperscript Amil, when people stay in Beirut and its environs, hundreds of thousands of people move back and forth weekly. From the s to the s, the flow often reversed as the people of the South sought refuge from bombardment and conflict with relatives in the comparative safety of the city. While the precise advent of Shiism in Jabal halfringleftsuperscript Amil is in dispute, there is no question that the community predates the introduction of Shiism to Persia (Iran) in the th century. Certainly, Jabal halfringleftsuperscript Amil was a center for scholarship at least by the late th century. Indeed, scholars from Jabal halfringleftsuperscript Amil (as well as from Iraq and Bahrain) assisted in the installation of Shiite Islam in Safavid Persia (–). This was well before the Persian cities of Mashhad, Shiraz, or Qum emerged as major centers of Shiite scholarship. Jabal halfringleftsuperscript Amil has long been eclipsed by al-Najaf and Karbala in Iraq, the two great Iraqi shrine cities, and since the th century by the now famous Persian (Iranian) cities of Shiite learning. Regardless, Jabal halfringleftsuperscript Amil continues to be revered by Shiites, especially during Muharram, the first month of the Muslim calendar. The Drama Review 49, 4 (T188),Winter 2005. © 2005 New York University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology In Beirut, where members of Lebanon’s recognized sects palaver, work, and live cheek to jowl, religious practice and ritual, as opposed to sectarian identity, is often tucked away from public view in mixed areas. Lebanese are astute in discerning cues and clues that reveal an interlocutor’s sectarian roots and cultural identity but at least until recent decades public religious ritual was often spurned in order to avoid provoking intersectarian tension. Although public and private mourning of Imam Hussein ( halfringleftsuperscript azah al-Hussein) and the tragic events (masa halfringrightsuperscript ib) of Karbala, have long occurred in Shiite communities, public commemorations of Ashura, the th day of Muharram, are relatively recent phenomena in the southern suburbs of Beirut (known as al-dahiyah), where they began less than years ago. The practice was introduced to the Beirut suburbs by a migrant from Baalbak, al-Hajj Ahmed al-Khansa, after he made pilgrimages (ziyyarat, but literally “visits”) to Najaf and Karbala, where he witnessed a number of public ceremonies during Muharram in . When he returned to Beirut, he instituted public mourning not simply as a display of communal piety but as a vehicle for mobilizing recent migrants to the city. Not surprisingly, longtime residents and wellestablished Shiites resisted ostentatious commemorations of Ashura, which they feared might alienate their Christian neighbors who then politically controlled these areas (Khuri :–). Hajj al-Khansa built such a powerful foundation among the new urban residents that he eventually became a leading local politician. Today the al-Khansas are the largest...", "publicationTitle": "TDR: The Drama Review", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2005", "volume": "49", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "140-155", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/the_drama_review/v049/49.4norton.pdf", "accessDate": "2015-10-16T00:44:21Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "1531-4715", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "Ritual, Blood, and Shiite Identity", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "Project MUSE", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "Volume 49, Number 4 (T 188), Winter 2005
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Chelkowski The dramatic form known as the passion play is often associated exclusively with Western, and specifically, Christian theatrical tradition. However, one of the most highly developed and powerful examples of this genre is, in fact, the ta halfringleftsuperscript ziyeh—the passion play of the Shiite Muslims performed in Iran, and recently adapted in South Lebanon—which recounts the tragedy of Hussein, the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad. It is the only serious drama ever developed in the Islamic world, except for contemporary theatre, which was introduced into Islamic countries along with other Western influences in the mid-th century. In an extraordinary development, the Lincoln Center Summer Festival included three ta halfringleftsuperscript ziyehs, performed in July by Iran’s foremost actors. The production was staged for only the third time in a Western country, after receiving critical acclaim and playing to packed houses in Avignon and Paris in France, and in Parma, Italy. It was later staged again in Italy in July in an innovative, interactive format that mixed videos of a ta halfringleftsuperscript ziyeh audience in Iran with a live performance in an abandoned factory in Rome. The famous film director, Abbas Kiarostami, arranged this spectacle. The tragedy reenacts the death of Hussein and his male children and companions in a brutal massacre on the plain of Karbala (about miles south/southwest of modern day Baghdad), in the year .., year of the Muslim calendar. Hussein’s murder was the outcome of a protracted power struggle for control of the nascent Muslim community following the death of the Prophet Muhammad. Two factions arose with competing views on the process for determining the new head of the community, or caliph. The Sunnites believed that the caliph should be elected according to ancient Arabian tribal tradition, while the Shiites advocated for the descendants of the Prophet Muhammad—through his daughter Fatemeh Zahra—called Imams, who they claimed possessed a divine right to authority in both spiritual and temporal matters. Hussein became the head of the Shiites after religio-political opponents assassinated his father and elder brother. His refusal to swear allegiance to Yazid, the Sunnite caliph in Damascus, made it necessary for Hussein to leave Medina and seek refuge in Mecca. Eventually with his family and a group of supporters, he set out for Kufa, a city in southern Iraq where he had numerous partisans. On the journey to Kufa, Hussein and his party were ambushed by Yazid’s troops and forced to swear an oath of allegiance to the Sunnite leader as the price of their freedom. Tradition has it that this took place on the first day of the month of The Drama Review 49, 4 (T188),Winter 2005. © 2005 New York University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology Muharram. For ten days, Hussein’s company was cut off from water in the scorching desert of Karbala and subjected to physical and psychological pressure. Despite the knowledge that his supporters in Kufa had abandoned him after being terrorized by Yazid’s army, Hussein refused to take the oath. On the th day, known as Ashura, after an intense battle, all the male members but Hussein’s -year-old son, Zain’l Abedin, who was ill and being nursed by the women in their tents, were savagely killed. Their heads were cut off and taken as trophies to Yazid in Damascus, while the female members of the party were taken hostage. The battle at Karbala and its aftermath precipitated the definitive schism of the Sunnite and Shiite Islamic branches. The slaughter at Karbala came to be considered by the Shiites as the ultimate example of sacrifice, the pinnacle of human suffering. The month of Muharram became the month of mourning, when Shiites all over the world commemorate Hussein’s sacrifice in stationary and ambulatory rituals of unequaled intensity. It was from these ritual observances that ta halfringleftsuperscript ziyeh, which literally means “to mourn” or “to console,” arose as a dramatic form. Once Shiite Islam was officially recognized as Iran’s state religion in the early th century, royal patronage ensured that the Muharram festival observances would...", "publicationTitle": "TDR: The Drama Review", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2005", "volume": "49", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "15-27", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://muse.jhu.edu/journals/the_drama_review/v049/49.4chelkowski02.pdf", "accessDate": "2015-10-16T00:43:38Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "1531-4715", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "Time Out of Memory", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "Project MUSE", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "Volume 49, Number 4 (T 188), Winter 2005
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