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            "abstractNote": "This article critically examines the character and extent of transoceanic solidarity in feminist anti-nuclear activism. Drawing on archival research into a British-based solidarity network, Women Working for a Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (WWNFIP), the article centralises the rhetorical question ‘Why Haven’t You Known?’ demanded by Māori activist Titewhai Harawira of her British audience in 1986, and extends it to contemporary scholars of feminist anti-nuclear activism. The article makes three main empirical claims. First, the WWNFIP archive pushes Indigenous women from across the Pacific into the limelight as experts and teachers, with British-based counterparts playing a supportive role. Second, the archive foregrounds Indigenous knowledge claims about nuclear colonialism and correspondingly represents decolonisation as essential to nuclear abolition. Thirdly, solidarity is shaped in ambivalent ways by these knowledge claims, which simultaneously evoke sisterly closeness and the discomfort of potential white allies. Overall, WWNFIP’s relatively successful construction of transoceanic solidarity, notwithstanding some ambiguities and limitations, points to the crucial relationship between knowledge and solidarity. The case study not only offers some valuable lessons for contemporary efforts to forge anti-nuclear solidarities but also disrupts dominant accounts of feminist anti-nuclear activism, past and present.",
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            "note": "<p>really wanted to like this article more than I did. She presented at the roundtable on solidarity I was on at the ISA in Toronto in 2019. Was hoping it would have more insights for N-S organizing but it's more about how to organize inside broad orgs. Their five ways to build active solidarity I guess are useful but seem sort of basic and don't really transfer.</p>\n<p>Did appreciate the distinction between political and social identity solidarity - the former being around shared political goals and values. But then interesting that inside orgs based around the former it can be useful to have subgroups based on the latter to ensure representation of marginalized voices, etc. I mean, duh, but yeah, useful to frame it that way.</p>\n<p>read June 2021 for fun</p>",
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            "note": "<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>Extracted Annotations (6/25/2021, 11:19:31 AM)</strong></p>\n<p>\"we offer some guidelines for enacting intersectional solidarity, drawing on a theoretically grounded examination of three contemporary social movements in the United States and abroad\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=1\">Einwohner et al 2019:1</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Occupy, Gezi Park, and the Women's March).\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=1\">Einwohner et al 2019:1</a>)</p>\n<p>\"How and to what degree did these movements enact intersectional solidarity?\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=2\">Einwohner et al 2019:2</a>)</p>\n<p>\"though several scholars have emphasized the importance of intersectional praxis as an accompaniment to intersectional consciousness (Ayoub 2019; Hancock 2016; Irvine et al. 2019; Tormos-Aponte 2019; Townsend-Bell 2011), there is little concrete guidance as to what such praxis might look like.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=2\">Einwohner et al 2019:2</a>)</p>\n<p>\"For example, though coalitions are the main organizing tool identified by Crenshaw (1989, 1991), a growing body of research points to the problems that coalitions present for intersectionally marginalized groups\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=2\">Einwohner et al 2019:2</a>)</p>\n<p>\"For each movement, we focus on two specific dimensions of intersectional solidarity that we see as particularly action-oriented. The first is whether and how the group countered power relations that structure relations of race, class, gender, and sexuality by explicitly affirming group differences. The second is whether and how efforts at solidarity substantively engaged diverse groups in deliberation.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=2\">Einwohner et al 2019:2</a>)</p>\n<p>\"We offer an approach to intersectional praxis, outlining a series of organizational practices which movements can adopt. We call this approach active solidarity.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=3\">Einwohner et al 2019:3</a>)</p>\n<p>\"As an ideal, intersectionality requires not only observing differences, but also making an effort to confront power\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=3\">Einwohner et al 2019:3</a>)</p>\n<p>\"must address group-specific forms of oppression and be grounded in the lived experiences of marginalized groups\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=3\">Einwohner et al 2019:3</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Doing so requires attending not only to identities, but also to the ways that identities structure power, that is, critical diversity\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=3\">Einwohner et al 2019:3</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Extant scholarship outlines strategies for individual activists to enact intersectionality in their everyday lives\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=3\">Einwohner et al 2019:3</a>)</p>\n<p>\"few scholars have outlined organizational strategies for entities like movements\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=3\">Einwohner et al 2019:3</a>)</p>\n<p>\"We offer active solidarity—not as a new type of solidarity nor as a new form of intersectionality, but rather as an approach to practicing intersectional solidarity, as an aspirational ideal for such organizing.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=3\">Einwohner et al 2019:3</a>)</p>\n<p>\"If solidarity refers to the ongoing process of coordinating action by creating and maintaining ties between social groups, then active solidarity entails the engagement of movement adherents in deliberations structured to enable marginalized groups to participate on an equal footing in shaping movement goals, strategies and tactics.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=3\">Einwohner et al 2019:3</a>)</p>\n<p><em>DEF (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=3\">note on p.3</a>)</em></p>\n<p> </p>\n<p>\"Our focus in this essay is on political solidarity. Much of the work on solidarity and diversity examines social solidarity (Levy 2017; Soroka et al. 2013). But political solidarity is distinct from social solidarity, and ought to be theorized as such (Sholz 2008). Political solidarity is sometimes defined quite broadly as encompassing any collective action aimed at responding to a perceived injustice, but is also sometimes defined more narrowly, focusing on intentional coordination of action for specific ends.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=4\">Einwohner et al 2019:4</a>)</p>\n<p><em>oooh oooh oooh! so true (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=4\">note on p.4</a>)</em></p>\n<p> </p>\n<p>\"Solidarity among women (and even the idea of gender itself) has been criticized as a project that requires an emphasis on sameness (Mohanty 1988; Moi 2001). But work on intersectionality provides a link between identity and social structure that emphasizes the indeterminate, constructed, coalitional nature of political identities (Crenshaw 1989; Young 2002; Mohanty 2003). This theorizing develops models of solidarity for feminist movements that aim to counter power differentials and recognize difference\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=4\">Einwohner et al 2019:4</a>)</p>\n<p>\"eschewing an organizing strategy that assumes a shared identity or interest for all women, and point to the need to recognize the differentiated histories, interests, and identities of different groups of women\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=4\">Einwohner et al 2019:4</a>)</p>\n<p>\"more solidarity does not mean more sameness, or less criticism of fellow activists or movements. It means identifying, and seeking to remedy, patterns of domination and exclusion.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=4\">Einwohner et al 2019:4</a>)</p>\n<p><em>AMEN (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=4\">note on p.4</a>)</em></p>\n<p> </p>\n<p>\"Crenshaw's idea of political intersectionality proposes seeing the category \"women\" as a coalition, as a political project, not as a category we should reject\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=4\">Einwohner et al 2019:4</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Intersectional solidarity must include solidarity across different experiences and identities, solidarity with the \"other\" (cf. Dean 1996; Levy 2017). To build inclusion, however, identityor group-specific strategies may need to be employed.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=4\">Einwohner et al 2019:4</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Paradoxically then, to create solidarity that is not based on the assumption of a shared identity as women, and to enhance the participation of subaltern groups, it may be necessary to\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=4\">Einwohner et al 2019:4</a>)</p>\n<p>\"affirm specific gender, race, sexual, and other identities in the course of forging an inclusive movement.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=5\">Einwohner et al 2019:5</a>)</p>\n<p>\"There are many forms and degrees of solidarity (Sholz 2008),\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=5\">Einwohner et al 2019:5</a>)</p>\n<p>\"our discussion focuses on two key dimensions of intersectional solidarity: the ways that activists are substantively involved in the deliberations that define coordinated action, and the way in which the process of developing coordinated action takes explicit account of cross-cutting cleavages, or structures of intersectional marginalization, seeking to enhance and secure the participation of particular groups that would otherwise be excluded. These dimensions define our idea of active solidarity, or coordinated action through deliberation and the active interrogation of power imbalances\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=5\">Einwohner et al 2019:5</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Solidarity is stronger as a political force when it is an active process of substantive interaction, involving deliberation, negotiation, and engagement between different social groups\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=5\">Einwohner et al 2019:5</a>)</p>\n<p>\"active solidarity points to processes that ensure the right of movement adherents to shape the workings of the movements of which they are a part. These processes rest on challenging norms of domination and enhancing deliberation\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=5\">Einwohner et al 2019:5</a>)</p>\n<p>\"A more diverse group has a broader knowledge base, as a\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=5\">Einwohner et al 2019:5</a>)</p>\n<p>\"collective\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=6\">Einwohner et al 2019:6</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Groups that can draw on the diversity of participants are more innovative and are better at problem solving\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=6\">Einwohner et al 2019:6</a>)</p>\n<p>\"diversity is a political resource,\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=6\">Einwohner et al 2019:6</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Active solidarity requires a collective commitment to enabling the participation of all, including intersectionally marginalized groups. Active solidarity is an obligation to both create and be a part of a community, a form of politics in which participants work to produce the inclusion they seek\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=6\">Einwohner et al 2019:6</a>)</p>\n<p>\"There are many pitfalls of deliberative processes aimed at consensus when it comes to diversity: The ideal of unmediated deliberation tends to reinforce homogeneity, privileging dominant groups and suppressing dissent\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=6\">Einwohner et al 2019:6</a>)</p>\n<p><em>HUH (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=6\">note on p.6</a>)</em></p>\n<p> </p>\n<p>\"Thus, if deliberation is to be inclusive, it must be structured to work against these repressive tendencies\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=6\">Einwohner et al 2019:6</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Others have argued that a sort of strategic essentialism, a collective identity that emphasizes similarities over differences, may strengthen movements and magnify political influence in certain circumstances\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=6\">Einwohner et al 2019:6</a>)</p>\n<p>\"However, such an approach likely worsens relations of domination among groups, as the views of the privileged are asserted as universal perspectives that crowd out or silence the marginalized voices\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=6\">Einwohner et al 2019:6</a>)</p>\n<p>\"without formal measures to ensure their voices are heard, the issues confronting marginalized\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=6\">Einwohner et al 2019:6</a>)</p>\n<p>\"groups tend to fall through the cracks of social movement organizations as part of the \"tyranny of structurelessness\"\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=7\">Einwohner et al 2019:7</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Domination is often invisible to those who dominate.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=7\">Einwohner et al 2019:7</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Intersectional solidarity, a political expression of intersectionality, is \"a form of activist organization that recognizes and addresses multiple and interactive systems of oppression\"\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=7\">Einwohner et al 2019:7</a>)</p>\n<p>\"that \"moves beyond allegedly universal, single-axis approaches\"\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=7\">Einwohner et al 2019:7</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Building coalitions, and even seeing identities themselves as coalitions, is a key strategy that has been articulated for realizing intersectional praxis\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=7\">Einwohner et al 2019:7</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Movement organizations can be proactive, adopting a sort of affirmative action in movement deliberations that helps to ensure that diverse participants are included in movements\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=7\">Einwohner et al 2019:7</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Strategies include measures such as descriptive representation, separate organization of marginalized\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=7\">Einwohner et al 2019:7</a>)</p>\n<p>\"groups into caucuses, and using a \"progressive stack\" (organizing speaker lists to ensure diversity so that dominant groups do not monopolize the discussion), and giving additional weight to issues identified by marginalized groups\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=8\">Einwohner et al 2019:8</a>)</p>\n<p>\"This approach works best when formal rules of inclusivity are articulated, and tends to work less well when informal, personalized forms of connection (such as friendship) are taken to be models for political practice\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=8\">Einwohner et al 2019:8</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Active solidarity is not about celebrating diversity for its own sake\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=8\">Einwohner et al 2019:8</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Critical diversity links diversity to power and the way it represents dominant groups as the norm\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=8\">Einwohner et al 2019:8</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Five elements of active solidarity.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=8\">Einwohner et al 2019:8</a>)</p>\n<p>\"o 8 R. L. Einwohner et al. First is the question of how key movement decisions are made. Are they deliberative or are they made by executive fiat? Second, how does the organization structure itself and these discussions to ensure that the powerless and\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=8\">Einwohner et al 2019:8</a>)</p>\n<p>\"marginalized are more likely to speak? Are there caucuses? Third, activists and analysts alike should look at the ways that movements represent themselves in their discourse and other organizational materials. Do these rhetorical and discursive expressions symbolically include, and reflect the input of, the powerless and excluded? Fourth, intersectionality suggests the value of attending to the politics of presence: How diverse is the leadership of the group? Do the marginalized and powerless see themselves represented in the main leadership bodies of the movement? Or is the \"top\" of any movement hierarchy (formal or informal) dominated by the more privileged and powerful? Last, are there frequent opportunities for dissent, so that inclusion is seen as an ongoing project?\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=9\">Einwohner et al 2019:9</a>)</p>\n<p>\"The Occupy movement also eschewed official leaders, even mockingly appointing a dog as their spokesperson.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=10\">Einwohner et al 2019:10</a>)</p>\n<p><em>like the Chilean dog!! (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=10\">note on p.10</a>)</em></p>\n<p> </p>\n<p>\"however, did not preclude the emergence of unofficial leaders or \"facilitators\"\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=10\">Einwohner et al 2019:10</a>)</p>\n<p>\"The encampments were dangerous for women and sexual minorities, with reports of sexual harassment and assault\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=10\">Einwohner et al 2019:10</a>)</p>\n<p>\"helped provide safe spaces\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=10\">Einwohner et al 2019:10</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Deliberative practices in Occupy helped give voice to marginalized activists.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=11\">Einwohner et al 2019:11</a>)</p>\n<p>\"The burden of attending multiple caucuses made full and effective participation in each more difficult for those belonging to multiple categories, e.g., the people of color caucus and the LGBTQ caucus\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=11\">Einwohner et al 2019:11</a>)</p>\n<p>\"the work of building coalitions and cooperation across these internal groups also seemed to fall disproportionately to the intersectionally marginalized\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=11\">Einwohner et al 2019:11</a>)</p>\n<p>\"In terms of organizational structure, the movement was never formally bureaucratized (Aknur 2014; Evren 2013), making it hard to discern any formal mechanisms to ensure the expression of dissent or to ensure voice and presence for marginalized groups.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=13\">Einwohner et al 2019:13</a>)</p>\n<p>\"some important moments of inclusion. This runs counter to expectations drawn from the literature on the tyranny of structurelessness\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=13\">Einwohner et al 2019:13</a>)</p>\n<p>\"The mobilization of support for women, including trans candidates, beginning with the networks and initiatives established at the Women's March or the subsequent \"huddles\" likely facilitated the historic changes in the representation of women and trans folk after the 2018 Midterms.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=15\">Einwohner et al 2019:15</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Active solidarity requires that movements take specific measures to empower and include marginalized groups, such as giving these groups' issues and concerns more weight in movement agenda-setting and discussions\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=17\">Einwohner et al 2019:17</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Separate organizing may also be a defensive move, made necessary by a context in which marginalized groups feel their perspectives are not being reflected in movement deliberations, decisions, and outputs\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=17\">Einwohner et al 2019:17</a>)</p>\n<p>\"The formation of such caucuses, rather than reflecting a weakening of the movement, may represent an evolution of movement thinking about particular issues or groups\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=17\">Einwohner et al 2019:17</a>)</p>\n<p>\"But a broader coalition cannot tolerate exclusionary sub-groups\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=17\">Einwohner et al 2019:17</a>)</p>\n<p>\"(e.g., women's groups that exclude trans women, or racial justice communities that fail to challenge male domination with their ranks). Such exclusions can create a difficult tension for those aiming to enact intersectional solidarity.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=18\">Einwohner et al 2019:18</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Much controversy attended the decision to exclude pro-life groups in the Women's March, for instance, but this measure defined the priorities of the movement based on ideas, not identity\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=18\">Einwohner et al 2019:18</a>)</p>\n<p>\"fits with Sholz's distinction between political solidarity based on shared political goals and political solidarity based on social identities;\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=18\">Einwohner et al 2019:18</a>)</p>\n<p><em>key (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=18\">note on p.18</a>)</em></p>\n<p> </p>\n<p>\"At the same time, each of the movements we considered developed the powerful coalitions and messages they employed through identity-based organizing of one kind or another, because these strategies gave marginalized groups the space to develop their own strategies and perspectives.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=18\">Einwohner et al 2019:18</a>)</p>\n<p><em>HUH (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=18\">note on p.18</a>)</em></p>\n<p> </p>\n<p>\"All three movements employed capacious, oppositional identities to mobilize activists, identities that went beyond the socially defined identities of the groups—\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=18\">Einwohner et al 2019:18</a>)</p>\n<p>\"The tensions between identity-based organizing and forging broader movement identities might not be as easy to overcome in the absence of a palpable threat\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=18\">Einwohner et al 2019:18</a>)</p>\n<p>\"For reviews of social movement literature on intersectionality, see Heaney 2019 and Irvine et al. 2019;\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=21\">Einwohner et al 2019:21</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Heaney, Michael T. 2019. Intersectionality at the grassroots. Politics, Groups, and Identities, doi: 10.1080/21565503.2019.1629318\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=24\">Einwohner et al 2019:24</a>)</p>\n<p>\"Irvine, Jill, Sabine Lang, and Celeste Montoya, eds. 2019. Gendered mobilizations and intersectional challenges. New York: ECPR Press, Rowman and Littlefield International.\" (<a href=\"zotero://open-pdf/library/items/9LMEI2X3?page=24\">Einwohner et al 2019:24</a>)</p>",
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            "title": "Active Solidarity: Intersectional Solidarity in Action†",
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                {
                    "creatorType": "author",
                    "firstName": "Rachel L",
                    "lastName": "Einwohner"
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                {
                    "creatorType": "author",
                    "firstName": "Kaitlin",
                    "lastName": "Kelly-Thompson"
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                    "firstName": "Valeria",
                    "lastName": "Sinclair-Chapman"
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                    "creatorType": "author",
                    "firstName": "Fernando",
                    "lastName": "Tormos-Aponte"
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                {
                    "creatorType": "author",
                    "firstName": "S Laurel",
                    "lastName": "Weldon"
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                    "creatorType": "author",
                    "firstName": "Jared M",
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                    "firstName": "Charles",
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            "abstractNote": "Abstract\n            While solidarity lies at the heart of collective action, it is not easily achieved. Social movements are characterized not only by difference within activist ranks but also by power asymmetries that reflect broader domination and distrust. The concept of intersectional solidarity is central to contemporary social justice movements’ efforts to negotiate these divisions, but how can it be achieved? To answer this question, we offer some guidelines for enacting intersectional solidarity, drawing on a theoretically grounded examination of three contemporary social movements in the United States and abroad (Occupy, Gezi Park, and the Women’s March).",
            "publicationTitle": "Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society",
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            "date": "2019-12-24",
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            "partTitle": "",
            "pages": "jxz052",
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            "seriesTitle": "",
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            "DOI": "10.1093/sp/jxz052",
            "citationKey": "",
            "url": "https://academic.oup.com/sp/advance-article/doi/10.1093/sp/jxz052/5686427",
            "accessDate": "2021-06-22T13:16:29Z",
            "PMID": "",
            "PMCID": "",
            "ISSN": "1072-4745, 1468-2893",
            "archive": "",
            "archiveLocation": "",
            "shortTitle": "Active Solidarity",
            "language": "en",
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            "note": "<p>sent to me by Catherine Eschle. really great overview of diff feminist takes on solidarity and great overview of the women's march vs the women's strike and their uses of solidarity - with nuances between them I hadn't quite understood.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>spectacular! best geography of solidarity work I may have read EVER. fucking fabulous. sent to me by Catherine Eschel. urgh - somehow my highlights disappeared. key arguments in the conclusion.</p>",
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