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A RUNNYMEDE COMMUNITY STUDY
BY KJARTAN PÁLL SVEINSSON
– CHALLENGES
AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF
A LONDON COMMUNITY
Bolivians in London
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
Published by Runnymede in January 2007 in electronic version only, this document is copyright © 2007 the
Runnymede Trust.
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About Runnymede Community Studies
In reflecting on the changing nature of ethnic diversity in Britain, it becomes increasingly clear that we
have to move beyond binary notions of white and non-white to explain the ways in which racisms
operate, identities are formed and people live out their lives. The societies in which we live are
becoming more diverse and will continue to diversify as migration patterns change, and the impacts of
globalisation are reflected in labour markets as well as in transnational movement of capital.
This series of community studies aims to promote understanding of the diversity within and between
different ethnic groups. Our intention is to build up a collection of studies which focus on
communities; their demography, links to civil society, and key political and social issues. We hope that
over time this will provide a rich resource for understanding how diversity is lived and experienced
away from the necessarily crude ethnic monitoring form, in a vital and dynamic multi-ethnic society.
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
i
Bolivians in London –
KJARTAN PÁLL SVEINSSON
Population and Geography
• According to the 2001 census, there were
525 Bolivian-born people living in London.
• The Bolivian embassy estimates that around
10,000 Bolivians live in London.
• According to calculations based on
remittances sent to Bolivia from London,
there are 15-20,000 Bolivians living in
London, the majority of whom have arrived
in the last 5 years.
• The majority of Bolivians in the UK live in
London. Long-term residents tend to be
geographically dispersed across the city,
even living in neighbouring areas, such as
Surrey and Kent. Recent arrivals are
somewhat geographically dispersed, but
have congregated around Elephant and
Castle and Seven Sisters.
Immigration
• Bolivians have been arriving to and settling
in Britain at least since the 1960s.
• Bolivia has long been a country of net
emigration. Traditionally, most Bolivians
have emigrated to Argentina and the United
States. However, with the unstable
economic situation in Argentina and ever
tighter border controls and visa regulations
of the United States, Bolivians are now
coming to Europe in greater numbers.
• Within Europe, Spain receives more
Bolivian immigrants than any other country.
• The last few years have seen a sharp
increase in Bolivian migration to London.
• A large proportion of Bolivian migrants in
London have irregular immigration status.
Education
• Little is known about the educational level
of Bolivians in London. However, according
to the interviewees of this study, a large
number of Bolivian migrants are university
educated.
Employment
• Recently arrived Bolivians often find work
in the cleaning industry, but also private
nannying or serving in restaurants.
• Although exact figures are unavailable, a
large part of recent arrivals are
undocumented, thus working with limited
permits in the UK.
• Deskilling is common, with university
educated Bolivians often finding work only
in the cleaning industry.
• English is a barrier to employment, and
often keeps non-English speakers in a
vicious circle: not speaking English, the
only work available are jobs where no
English is required, which gives no
opportunity to learn or practice English.
Bolivians in London at a Glance
Challenges and Achievements of a
London Community
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
ii
Bolivia Solidarity Campaign
Web: www.boliviasc.org.uk/
Friends of Bolivia
Web: www.friendsofbolivia.org.uk
Anglo-Bolivian Society
Web:www.angloboliviansociety.
org.uk
Carnaval del Pueblo/Noticias
Web: www.noticias.co.uk
Knowledge is Power Project
Email: carolina.a.herrera@gmail.com
Web: http://www.the-kipproject.
co.uk
Latin Front
Email: latinfront@yahoo.co.uk
Latin American Women’s
Rights Service (LAWRS)
Tindlemanor
52-54 Featherstone Street
EC1Y 8RT
Tel: 0207 3360888
Email: lawrs@lawrs.fsnet.co.uk
Web: www.lawrs.org.uk
Campaign Against Repression
in Latin America ( CARILA)
6 – 9 Manor Gardens
N7 6LA
Tel: 02075611931
Email: carila@carila.org.uk
Web: www.carila.org.uk
Indoamerican Refugee and Migrant
Organisation (IRMO)
493 Cambridge Heath Road
E2 9BU
Tel: 0207 7298833
Email: mail@irmo.org.uk
Web: www.irmo.org.uk
Latin American Association
Priory House
Kingsgate Place
London
NW6 4TA
Tel: 02073728653/ 02076246409
Email: admin@casalatina.org.uk
Web: www.casa-latina.org.uk
Latin American Disabled People’s
Project ( LADPP)
PO Box 43412
SE17 3WZ
Tel: 0207 7938399
Email: ladpp@ladpp.org.uk
Latin American Elderly Project
Ring Cross Community Centre,
Lough Road
N7 8RH
Tel: 020 7609 6661
Email: laeplatin@onetel.com
www.laeplatin.com
Latin American Golden
Years Day Centre
1-29 Cancell Road
SW9 6HN
Tel: 0207 7930469
Email: latinamgyc@btconnect.com
Latin American Social
Fund 2000 Plus
Suite Q
Second Floor
135-143 Stockwell Road
SW9 9TN
Tel: 020 7207 1500
Praxis
Pott Street
E2 0EF
Tel: 0207 7297985
Email: admin@praxis.org.uk
www.praxis.org.uk
Latin American Women’s Aid
The Print House
18 Ashwin Street
E8 3DL
Tel: 020 7275 0321
Email: info@lawadv.org.uk
Latin America Co-op
Development Project
Suite 2-12
11 Marshalsea Rd
SE1 1EP
Tel: 020 7357 9091
oneLondon
53 Brixton Station Road
SW9 8PQ
Tel: 020 7737 6170
Web: www.one-london.com
Relevant Organisations and Websites
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
1
Introduction
As a number of commentators have recently
pointed out, the nature of Britain’s ethnic
diversity is changing.1 Amongst those who have
in recent years found their way to London in
ever greater numbers are various Latin American
groups. The presence of these groups can clearly
be seen and felt on the streets of London. Cafes,
bars, clubs and restaurants run by Latin
Americans are steadily on the increase; money
transfer agencies catering to Colombians,
Ecuadorians, Bolivians etc. can be spotted on
various high streets throughout the city; the
annual Carnaval del Pueblo in Burgess Park –
which this year attracted tens of thousands of
Londoners – has been dubbed “Europe’s largest
celebration of Latin American culture.”2
In spite of this evident impact Latin Americans
have on the cultural life of Londoners, their
presence has to date gone fairly unnoticed –
albeit with notable exceptions – by both local
authorities and national government; nor has it
generated much academic interest. As a result,
little is actually empirically known about Latin
Americans, and their interests are often
overlooked by the authorities as a result of being
consigned to a category of ‘Other.’ Thus, while
the numerous Latin groups are highly visible as
participants of and contributors to the every day
life of London, they remain both hidden and
unrecognised in political, economic and social
discourse.
This report presents a rudimentary depiction of
one of the Latin American groups: Bolivians. The
information deficit on Bolivians is particularly
acute; virtually no studies have been conducted
on Bolivians in the UK, and even information as
basic as the total number of Bolivians living in
London is missing, although some estimates are
available.3 This study does not by any means
purport to present a comprehensive ethnographic
account of the Bolivian community in London.
Based as it is on data collected through 15 indepth
interviews with Bolivians, this would be
impossible. Rather, it is intended to identify and
map the main issues facing Bolivians. For
example, the report identifies a gap between
long-term residents on the one hand, and recent
arrivals on the other hand, where one has little
contact with the other. However, how this split is
lived and understood is beyond the scope of the
sample size. Similarly, class distinctions prevalent
in Bolivia were said to have continued relevance
amongst Bolivians in London. While it is likely
that these issues are of importance to most
Bolivians living and working in London, this
report cannot make any accurate or conclusive
statements about the structure or dynamics of
these distinctions. In other words, where the
purpose of this study is to map out main issues
identified by Bolivians, it will be up to later
studies to fill in the ethnographical details for a
comprehensive understanding of the Bolivian
community.
What is presented below is a ‘snapshot’ of
Bolivians in London. Following a brief outline of
the methodology used to carry out the study and
some background information about Bolivia and
Bolivian migration generally, we turn our
attention to the main findings of the report. The
Migration chapter outlines the interviewees’
reasons for leaving Bolivia as well as their
accounts of the migration process. This is
followed by a chapter on Documentation, where
we discuss the connection between nationality
and irregular4 immigration status, and the impact
of immigration policy on the life chances of
recently arrived Bolivians. Identities examines
the multiplicity of Bolivian identity, and the
interplay between Bolivian-ness and Londonness,
and is followed by a discussion on unity
and fragmentation in the Cohesion chapter.
Finally, in the Integration chapter we look at how
Bolivians perceive their place in London, and
how they want to be perceived by other
Londoners.
While many of the issues discussed here have
a specific relevance to Bolivians living in
1 See Ashley (2005); Berkeley (2005); Grillo (2006);Vertovec (2006); Zetter et al. (2006)
2 Mayor of London.
3 The Bolivian embassy estimates that around 10,000 Bolivians currently live in London.
However, according to calculations based on remittances sent to Bolivia from London, Freddy
Ortiz of Universal Business UK has estimated that the figures are closer to 15,000-20,000. In any
case, it is clear that the 2001 census figure of 525 is wildly inaccurate.
4 The terminology used for irregular migrants and migration can often be confusing, with
different parties choosing terms and concepts that best fit their own interests.Throughout this
report, we will follow IPPR in using the term irregular migrants, which they define as “people
who are liable to be deported for issues related to immigrations status” (Farrant et al., 2006: 5).
Other common terms – such as undocumented, unauthorised or illegal – either do not capture
the complexity of irregular migration, or have unfounded criminal connotations.
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
2
London, they are by no means unique to them.
The interviewees’ experiences of the migratory
process, as expressed both by long-term residents
and recent arrivals, are likely to strike a chord
among other migrant groups from the ‘South’ in
the North-South divide that characterises the
global economic landscape. Many migrant
communities experience discrimination on
account of being from the Global South,5 a
situation that is threatening to reproduce, within
the UK, the global economic structure.6 As will
become clear, however, irregular status not only
affects the irregular migrants themselves;
amongst Bolivians, it has repercussions
throughout the wider community. A major
problem identified by interviewees was the cleft
between long-term residents and recent arrivals.
Where an ‘ethnic rights’ discourse may be
inadequate – due to the wide range of different
experiences and structural positions within the
Bolivian community – to deal with disadvantage
and discrimination, Bolivians with irregular
immigration status, and thus most vulnerable to
exploitation and discrimination, could benefit
greatly by tapping into existing migrants’ rights
networks.
Methodology
The aim of this study was to explore
interviewees’ experiences of living in London,
and what they perceived to be the main issues
facing Bolivians in London generally. For this
reason, the methodology used was primarily
qualitative, which is particularly apt in providing
insight into the complex, subtle, and often
contradictory views, experiences, motivations
and attitudes of individuals. Data was gathered
through in-depth interviews with 15 individuals.
This means that the results should not be read as
statistically representative of all Bolivians in
London. However, a purposive sampling
technique – where interviewees are selected
specifically a) for their specific experiences or
knowledge, and b) to capture the diversity and
breadth of views within the sample group – was
adopted in order to get as broad a perspective as
possible. In this way, every effort was made to
have a broad sampling range in terms of age,
class, origin (within Bolivia), length of time in the
UK, etc. to ensure that the sample was as
representative as possible. Still, the small sample
size means that covering all issues of importance
to Bolivians in London would be impossible,
leaving unavoidable ethnographical gaps. This
should be kept in mind when reading this report.
Access to interviewees was facilitated by
community organisations as well as snowballing.
Interviews were conducted in homes, offices,
pubs, cafes and restaurants. The names of
interviewees used throughout this report are not
actual. They have been changed to maintain the
anonymity of the participants of this study.
Additionally, a number of organisations working
with the Latin American community were
informally interviewed.
Interviewees came from a range of different
backgrounds, but could, for the sake of clarity,
be divided into two categories: those recently
immigrating to the UK (within the last 5 years),
and those who have been here for longer
(ranging between 20 and 42 years). While this
may not tell us much about the backgrounds of
the interviewees, it does evince similarities and
contrasts of experiences of living and working in
the UK, and the effect of government
immigration policy on these experiences. 5 Evans et al. (2005: 6)
6 JCWI (2006)
Background
Bolivia is a land-locked South American country,
renowned for its natural beauty and rich cultural
life. Geographically, it is divided by two Andean
cordilleras, or mountain ranges, which demarcate
the country into three ecozones: the
Andean high plateau (Altiplano); the
semitropical Yungas and temperate valleys of
Cordillera Oriental; and the tropical eastern
lowlands. Bolivia is populated by just under 9
million people, of whom roughly 60% are
indigenous, 20-25% are mestizo (mixed Spanish
and indigenous heritage), and 10-15% are of
Spanish descent. While ethnic identification is
instrumental to social organisation, other social
markers exist as well, such as class and regional
affiliation, reflected in the highly stratified
structure of social and economic life. In spite of
the country’s rich natural resources, nearly two
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
3
thirds of Bolivians live below the poverty line.7
The history of Bolivia is marred by political and
economic instability, not least from the midtwentieth
century onwards. A number of military
coups and economic crises have resulted in bouts
of migration to urban areas within Bolivia and
emigration to other countries. Three periods in
particular saw great waves of migration: the
National Revolution of 1952; the several military
coups and juntas from 1964 to the late 70s; and
the economic crisis and hyper-inflation of the mid
80s. Most Bolivians migrated to other South
American countries (in particular Argentina) or
the United States.8 However, in recent years
Europe has become an increasingly popular
destination, primarily due to the unstable
economic situation in Argentina and ever tighter
border controls and visa regulations of the United
States. Within Europe, Spain has received more
Bolivian immigrants than any other country.
The number of Bolivians finding their way to
London is unknown. Bolivians have been
arriving in London since the late 1960’s,
although initially not in great numbers.
According to key informants, there has been a
considerable increase in Bolivian immigration to
London in the past five years. However, virtually
no literature exists on Bolivian immigration to
the UK, which reflects a larger research gap on
Latin American migrants more generally. The
Latin American group that has been researched
in greatest depth are Colombians, although even
here studies, albeit important, are few and far
between.9 While Bolivian experiences partly
resonate with those of Colombians, there are
important differences as well. We will come
back to these throughout this report, but three
important differences, which relate directly to
particularities of their home countries as well as
their diplomatic relations with Britain, should be
made clear here.
Firstly, and similarly to Colombians,10 many
recently arrived Bolivians seem to arrive to the
UK via Spain. However, this may be less
prevalent due to differing visa regulations.
Colombians need to apply for a British visa
before setting off to the UK. Bolivians, on the
other hand, can apply for a visa upon arrival.11
For this reason, many Bolivians intending to
work in the UK take their chances to enter
directly on a tourist visa.12 Secondly, while the
extent to which social markers in Latin America
translate to London has not been researched in
great depth, James has indicated that, amongst
Ecuadorians, ethnic, class and regional
differences are partly neutralised in London.
McIlwaine, on the other hand, reports that
certain aspects of the civil war in Colombia
have entered life in London,13 contributing to
distrust and disunity amongst Colombian
migrants, but does not mention other differences
as having continuing importance.14 In the case of
Bolivians, however, a whole host of social
markers in Bolivia – such as class, level of
education, or regional affiliation – appear to
translate over to London, a point made by a
number of interviewees. Thirdly, the political
situations in Colombia and Bolivia are different.
While both have experienced a high degree of
political turmoil, Colombians have lived with a
long-standing armed conflict, an important
factor in Colombian migration. Bolivia, on the
other hand, has not experienced a civil war;
rather, emigration from Bolivia stems from
political instability and a dire economic
situation. As Emilio, a Bolivian who has lived in
Britain since the 80s, explains:
Bolivians never had a civil war, like the
Colombians do. At the moment there
are potentially some problems with the
new president [of Bolivia], who’s very
socialist and wants to nationalise
everything, retake the land of the big
land owners, and redistribute it. And
potentially that could lead to some
problems. There has been some
problems, I have a friend who used to
be a politician, he’s a teacher at the
university as well, a professor. And he
got tortured once by one ex-president,
many years ago. But I think, back in the
7 World Bank (2006)
8 Kayser (2005: 54)
9 This seems to be changing however. As the Latin American community in the UK grows, so
does academic interest in these groups. At the time of writing, a number studies had been
conducted on Latin Americans – most notably McIlwaine’s (2005) study on Colombian migrants
– and several further studies were under way.
10 cf.McIlwaine (2005: 20)
11 UKvisas
12 This can be subject to questioning by immigration officers, often rather intensively. One
interviewee stated that she was questioned for 7 hours before finally satisfying the officers.
13 James (2006)
14 McIlwaine (2005: 43-44)
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
4
70s when the military were very active,
supported by the CIA. But since the 70s
there hasn’t been much problems in
those areas. The problem in Bolivia is
social. There’s a lot of inequality.
Thus, where Colombian migration to the UK is
described by McIlwaine as a ‘reactive necessity’
rather than a ‘proactive strategy of choice,’15
Bolivian migration is more likely to be a
complex combination of the two.
Migration
When asked why they decided to leave Bolivia,
most interviewees stated that the economic
situation was so dismal that leaving the country
was the only way in which they could improve
their life chances. In other words, London was
seen as a place harbouring opportunities not
available in Bolivia. Some women added that
oppressive gender relations, particularly within
the family or in marriage, made life simply
unbearable, thus compelling them to leave.
Ultimately, the search for a better life was, in one
way or another, central to the interviewees’
reasons for leaving Bolivia.16 Still, this journey
was not entirely painful and formidable; in some
ways, it was also treated as an adventure. In this
sense, there was a certain continuity in the
narratives of those who had been here longer
and the more recent arrivals.
Many of the long-term residents came in the
early 70s, when General Hugo Banzer Suárez
led a military coup d’état, only to become one of
the most feared presidents of 20th century
Bolivia:
I think at that time, if I remember, colonel
Banzer went to power. And the situation
in Bolivia was quite bad. It was really,
really bad. And somehow I managed to
get information about this opportunity, to
come to London. And for me, there was
no other solution at that time. (Victor)
Thus, economic and political pressures made
emigration an inviting option. Most Bolivians at
the time emigrated either to Argentina or the
Unites States, and many interviewees spoke of
either having had the opportunity to migrate to
either place, or actually working there before
coming to the UK. These interviewees ultimately
came to Britain under a work permit system
which required them to work in a specific job or
field for a certain period of time, with little
opportunity to move out of that field of work. In
spite of these tight restrictions, some interviewees
stated that arriving in England was an exciting
adventure. Andres, for example, came in the
company of friends and described a strong sense
of camaraderie, which helped him overcome a
great many social and practical hurdles. Still, the
fact that all information about life in Britain was
acquired through word of mouth meant that the
reality was often shockingly different from what
they expected:
It was an opportunity that a friend told
us about. Somebody knew a friend, his
brother went to study, and he got
married with an English lady, and he
said there’s a lot of opportunity.
Obviously, they never tell you the truth,
the whole truth. They paint this beautiful
scene, and they say you can do this, you
can do that, you can work, you can
study, you can do a lot of things. Which
was not really true, the reality was quite
different. (Gloria)
In spite of elements of agency and proactive
strategising, the push factors of the economic
and political pressures in Bolivia should not be
understated. Indeed, for the long-term residents,
these pressures were very real. The social crises
resulting from the several military juntas in the
60s and 70s – particularly the Banzer regime –
are well documented,17 and several long-term
residents described the situation they found
themselves in at the time. Andres, for example,
recounted the aftermath of the Banzer coup:
I don’t know if you remember the story
from the 70s. It was a politically very
unstable situation there. Lots of
governments, power kept changing
15 McIlwaine (2005: 16)
16 This was not the case with all interviewees, as some moved to London by pure chance or
coincidence.This, however, applied to the minority of cases.
17 Remmer (1986); Nash (1979)
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
5
hands. And I went to university for the
first year there. And they changed the
government, and just shut down the
university, so what do you do? This
would have been the Banzer
government. Soon after Torres,18 Banzer
came and shut down the university. That
was it! So we were just hanging around
for a few months, not knowing what to
do, when somebody said, ‘Ah, you can
come and work and study in the UK.’ So
I thought, ‘Well, why not?’
Thus, whilst recognising the interviewees as
agents who devise proactive strategies of choice,
it is clear that their motives for migrating must
also be seen as a reactive necessity.
The recently arrived had a similar story to tell.
Most left Bolivia in a search for a better life, one
that was perceived as unattainable in the home
country. The days of coups and counter-coups
may have passed, but the political situation
continues to be of great concern to Bolivians,
and the Bolivian economy continues to be one of
the most unstable and precarious in Latin
America. As Remmer has demonstrated, the
structural adjustment programmes of the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank
led to “[w]idespread unemployment, plummeting
living standards, acute shortages of foreign
exchange, declining investment, and severe
inflation,”19 the legacy of which can still be felt
in Bolivia.20 Indeed, withdrawal of foreign
investment, closure of businesses, blockades and
violent protests leading to transportation and
import problems etc. are very much part of
contemporary every-day reality for most
Bolivians.21
Some had already spent time working in
Argentina, but slumps in the Argentinian
economy forced them to migrate again. As
mentioned above, Spain was a popular initial
destination. However, while many stated that
Spain was in many ways an easier option –
primarily because of the common language and
less stringent immigration policy – working in
London was still considered preferable. The
preference for Britain was largely due to the
strength of the economy,22 and the perception of
London as an open and tolerant city, whereas
some felt that life in Spain is rife with racism.
Again, all information on migrating to London
was acquired by word of mouth, both before
embarking on the journey and upon arrival.
Interviewees relied on family, friends, and
friends-of-friends for advice relating to jobs,
housing, documentation, and navigating the
British system. Interviewees did not, generally
speaking, seek information via formal channels.23
Often, contacts would be established with
people the interviewees knew – or at least knew
of – in London, and would then be followed up
on arrival. However, the information obtained
while still in Bolivia would often be fragmented
and selective, and many interviewees said that
the reality of arriving in London was at great
odds with expectations, where cost of living and
culture shock were cited as the main sources of
disorientation:
I tell you something: one thing is to say
‘Inglaterra’ in Spanish, but when we
came here, it was absolutely, it was
another world. Completely another
world. So it was very, very hard for me
to get used to my new life. It probably
took me two, three years before I started
to settle down emotionally. (Jaime)
Thus, there are certain similarities in the
motivations and experiences of long-term
residents and recent arrivals. There are two
major differences, however, that need to be
clarified. Firstly, while none of the long-term
residents sent remittances back to Bolivia, the
majority of the recent arrivals did. This appears
to be a major component of life of new Bolivians
in London, much like that of Colombian
migrants.24 While the data collected for this study
does not warrant any conclusive statements
about remittances, it should be noted that recent
arrivals were acutely aware of the importance of
18 Juan José Torres González led a leftist military regime from 1970 to 1971, when he was
overthrown in a violent coup d’état by then Colonel Hugo Banzer.
19 Remmer (1986: 1)
20 Kohl (2006)
21 I am indebted to Frances Carlisle for pointing this out.
22 This resonates with the experiences of Colombian migrants, some of whom treat Spain as a
transit country on their way to the UK (McIlwaine, 2005: 20).
23 This was seen by many as an unfortunate situation, and there was a general consensus that
clearer and more accessible formal information packs should be made available.The implications of
this informal ‘word of mouth’ information economy is discussed in greater depth below.
24 McIlwaine (2005: 30-33)
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
6
remittances for the Bolivian economy. Secondly,
the work permit system under which Bolivians
first entered the country is not available to more
recent migrants, forcing them to find new and
innovative ways to enter and work in the UK, an
issue to which we shall now turn.
Documentation
Documentation was a topic of great importance
to the interviewees, in practical as well as
ideological terms. It was generally felt that
documents and immigration status illustrates with
great clarity the social and economic topography
of Bolivians in London. However, there was a
distinct disparity in the experiences of long-term
residents and the recent arrivals. The long-term
residents interviewed for this study all came to
the UK via official channels, through a work
permit system, as students, as spouses of
European citizens etc. While those who came
here under a work permit system had to follow
quite restrictive terms and conditions, none of
the long-term residents had any experience of
living and working irregularly in Britain. Still,
British and European bureaucratic practices and
policies were highly unfavourable to Bolivian
documents, particularly passports when
travelling. Indeed, discussions about experiences
of racism tended to revolve around nationality
and status. Many interviewees told stories of
travel within Europe where passing through
immigration was, stated simply, an ordeal. The
obvious connection here is between Bolivia and
cocaine, or so the interviewees described
immigration officers’ attitudes towards them.
This criminalising process made them both
angry and sad:
It’s a stigma. Colombia, Bolivia, you’re
definitely carrying drugs. For sure. You
get victimised for being Bolivian.
(Gabriel)
In that time we travelled a lot. And every
time it was getting harder and harder for
me. My wife had no problem going
through customs wherever we went. I
always was behind. And unfortunately,
whenever we travel, as soon as I
produce my passport, I was a criminal.
Immediately. That’s the attitude. Black
and white. If I was to go tomorrow to
wherever, if I give them my passport,
‘Ah, criminal!’ Because my passport is
from Bolivia. That’s how it is. (Andres)
However, this situation was not considered to be
entirely unique to Bolivians and Colombians, but
revealed a wider spectre of institutional racism
against the alien and the poor:
Not only Bolivians, but other people, they
have to face this as well. People with
humble origins. Just because they don’t
have money, they are criminals. With
humble origin, trying to better their lives,
whatever, we don’t know the reasons, but
we’re all treated like criminals. (Andres)
For this reason, many long-term residents
decided to take up British nationality and
passport, often long after having the opportunity
to do so. This created a conflict within some
interviewees, an issue that will be discussed
further in the Identities chapter. The important
point to make here is that certain civil rights
were attached to British nationality; that is to say,
rights of being treated like valued citizens as
opposed to alien criminals. These rights were
often denied to the interviewees on account of
being Bolivian.
The experiences of the recently arrived are
qualitatively different. Interviewees said that
irregular immigration status is common amongst
recent arrivals, irrespective of their original
motives for migrating or social status back home.
However, ‘irregular’ or ‘undocumented’
immigration status is far from being a static
condition, and interviewees described how they
fluctuated from one category to the other. As
McKay and Winkelmann-Gleed point out, “[t]he
line between lawful and undocumented or
unauthorised migrant status is in many cases a
fine one,”25 although this line could perhaps
more accurately be described as fuzzy and in
constant flux. The interviewees were quite aware
of this. Describing his own situation, Hernando
said, “I am legal in one way, but I am illegal in
25 McKay and Winkelmann-Gleed (2005: 30) another way.”
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
7
In terms of getting into the UK in the first
place, Bolivian migrants find ways that can only
be described as enterprising. Interviewees listed a
vast array of administrative loop-holes allowing
them to enter Britain. Clandestine methods were
never mentioned (although some Bolivians may
enter this way). Rather, migrants either enter on a
tourist visa and simply disappear, or on a student
visa, which allows them to work 20 hours.
However, the grounds of visa regulations and
immigration policy are constantly shifting, which
can drastically change a migrant’s immigration
status. Migrants therefore need to adopt a flexible
and easily adjustable approach to the
immigration system.
Once in London, the next task is to find a job.
This was described as relatively easy to do: those
on a student visa reported working far more than
the allowed 20 hours per week – in some cases
up to 50 or 60. The reasons for this are clear.
Between remittances and the cost of living in
London – which came as a huge shock to most
interviewees – the 20 hours of work permitted
were by no means enough to make ends meet.
Indeed, many interviewees were sending money
back to Bolivia, rather than receiving money to
support their studies. This creates a financial
uncertainty exacerbated by the fact that the only
work available to them was low-paying jobs,
often below the national minimum wage, and
certainly well below the recommended living
wage for London.26
All interviewees had at some point worked in
the cleaning industry, although other jobs were
mentioned as well, such as private nannying or
serving in restaurants. Again, there are many
ways of getting work in spite of irregular status,
and again, information about this is circulated by
word of mouth. Some found jobs in the informal
economy, working for cash in hand. However,
many would find work in the formal sphere.
False documents were described as fairly easy
to buy, albeit expensive, and came in a range of
forms: political asylum papers, national insurance
numbers, Spanish and Portuguese passports etc.
Some interviewees said that many employers in
the cleaning industry were aware that people used
false documents when applying for a job, but
employed them anyway. However, as McIlwaine
points out, this is becoming increasingly rare,
largely due to the accession of several Eastern
European countries to the EU and the
government’s tough stated policy on companies
employing irregular workers.27 The interviewees
were painfully aware if this, as it had forced them
to find new, semi-legal ways to get employed. As
one might come to expect, irregular status brought
with it great uncertainties. The anxiety of the
prospect of deportation becomes an every day
reality: “It was really tough, to know that they will
just come and take you out in the street and say,
‘Go back home.’ It’s quite hard” (Eliana).
More serious, perhaps, is the exploitation to
which irregular migrants are vulnerable. In spite
of all interviewees paying national insurance and
income tax on at least part of their salaries, their
irregular status is a de facto negation of their civil
rights, and thus human rights by default. The
possibility of not getting paid for their work was
a very real one, and when this happened there
was nothing they could do about it. For women,
there is the added precariousness of sexual
harassment. One interviewee described finding
herself in a dangerous situation with her
employer and co-workers, where she was not
only denied her wages – which were well below
the minimum wage in the first place – but felt
lucky to escape unharmed:
I found a job washing dishes, and I got
£3.20 an hour. And I had very bad
experience, he didn’t want to pay me, he
wanted to go to bed with me, he said
‘Ah, that’s the only way I can pay you,’
very aggressive, you know, he had me in
a corner in the kitchen. So I had to leave
the job, and he didn’t pay me. If that
happened now, I would probably go to
the police, but then, you can’t do
anything. And I’m like “God, how many
people go through this?” I managed just
to leave the house, to escape, cause
that’s the only thing I could think of, £60
is nothing compared to my life. But I
think that happens to many people, they
get exploited. And in a situation where
you’re working [like this], where do you
go? What do you do? You just have to
take it. (Eliana)
26 See www.livingwage.org.uk
27 McIlwaine (2005: 34)
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
8
Deskilling was also mentioned as yet another
source of frustration and feeling of debasement.
Many of the interviewees were highly educated
but found it impossible to find a job suitable to
their skills. While immigration status was
certainly a strong factor, it was by no means the
only one. Some speculated that even if they had
full administrative permission to work in Britain,
inconsistent Home Office immigration policies
could change their situation at any time, thus
making them unemployable in employment
sectors requiring skills and dedication: “I have
the commitment. But the Home Office doesn’t
have the commitment with my company. If
tomorrow, the Home Office say ‘I don’t want to
give you visa. So what?’ It’s not good for the
company. So the company doesn’t want us”
(Marcela). In this respect, interviewees felt that
being Bolivian per se is the source of the
predicament of deskilling, and irregular
immigration status is an unfortunate side effect.
It is important to note that status and
documentation of the recent arrivals had certain
repercussions throughout the wider Bolivian
community. Using their links with long-term
residents to get established is a widespread
strategy amongst newcomers, and many of the
long-term residents interviewed commented on
this. Some said that telephone calls from Bolivia,
where prospective migrants were appealing for
advice or assistance, was a common occurrence.
However, the immigration status of the newcomers
can influence what kind of help they will
receive from their friends, acquaintances or
family members in London. Long-term residents
generally sympathised with the situation of
irregular Bolivians, making a clear distinction
between irregular immigration status on the one
hand, and criminality on the other. Some said
that immigration status did not matter to them,
they would help their fellow Bolivians in any
way they could regardless. Confident that
Bolivians generally are hard working people who
want not only to better their lives, but also
contribute positively to their host country, Victor
said that he helps recently arrived Bolivians in
any way he can, irrespective of their status.
Similarly, Emilio was not prepared to accept on
face value the Home Office definition of
irregular migrants as criminals. Quite the
contrary, he felt that helping irregular migrants
would minimise the risk of irregular Bolivians
succumbing to criminality:
I always help my friends if they need it. I
always think that it’s better to help
somebody who wants to help
themselves, and if they’re doing
something legal … well, illegally, but
legal, you see what I mean? If they come
here illegally to steal and to rob, that’s
bad. For me, if they’re only coming here
to work, and the work is there, I’ll help
them.
However, a number of interviewees said that
they would hesitate before helping someone with
dubious immigration status. This had less to do
with any perceived criminality of irregular
migrants, but instead the uncertainty of what,
exactly, the consequences of helping them would
be. Many felt that this was a major factor
undermining cohesion amongst Bolivians in
London. Juan, a university educated recent
arrival, described how a long-term resident
relative had been quite uneasy about helping out
directly. In spite of housing him on arrival, the
relative had asked him to find accommodation of
his own, exactly because “he’s scared of
immigration and all these things.” Again, the
inconsistency of Home Office immigration
policies was cited as the source of this insecurity.
Stella, a long-term resident who receives a large
number of phone calls from Bolivians pleading
for help, explains:
You never know exactly what the Home
Office will do … You see, every time
they say, ‘You should not help [irregular
migrants]. You will get into trouble.’ And
then they relax the law, and they say
‘Yes, help them, yes, we need them.’ So
where do you stand? Do we need them?
Do we give them jobs? Or are they here
illegally? What do you do? Every day we
get new laws here.
Indeed, Stella went on to point out that the
behaviour of government officials did little to
clarify the exact government policy on
immigration, and revealed a hypocritical stance
of the government towards irregular migrants.
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
9
28 Castles (2004: 860)
29 Glover et al. (2001: 51)
30 Castles (2004: 854)
31 Mayor of London (2002: 2)
32 Select Committee on the European Union (2002: 13)
33 Select Committee on the European Union (2002: 13)
With immigration judges – working for the
Department for Constitutional Affairs itself –
employing an irregular Brazilian migrant worker,
and the former Home Secretary’s fast-tracking of
his lover’s nanny through the immigration
process, where do ordinary people actually
stand?
It could be argued that the dilemmas arising
from issues of documentation and immigration
status are a self-made predicament, as Bolivians
know what the rules of entry are and willingly
choose to break them. However, in this instance,
we would do well to remember Castles’ vital
point on immigration policies as opportunity
structures:
People lucky enough to enjoy a middleclass
position in developed countries
tend to have fairly positive views of the
state and the law. This does not
necessarily apply to the majority of the
world’s population, who live in
inefficient, corrupt and violent states.
Most people have to learn to cope
despite the state, not because of it. From
this perspective, migration rules become
just another barrier to overcome in order
to survive. Potential migrants do not
cancel migration just because the
receiving state says they are not
welcome – especially if the labor market
tells a different story.28
As is clear from the discussion of this paper,
labour markets do indeed send out different
signals from the stated government policy.
Indeed, a Home Office analysis paper states that
irregular migration is largely driven by an “unmet
demand in the labour market (particularly, but
not only) at the lower end.”29 In spite of a tough
outward stance on the part of the government,
work is readily available, and according to
several interviewees, employers are not terribly
fussy about the immigration status of those they
employ. While some interviewees related how
governmental pressures on employers meant that
false documents had been made more or less
redundant, this state of affairs was easily
circumvented. Significantly, none of the
interviewees spoke of governmental crackdowns
in their workplace, let alone sanctions on their
employers for knowingly employing irregular
immigrants.
These factors indicate certain contradictions in
the current immigration policy landscape. In
public terms, the government has adopted an
increasingly tough stance on immigration policy.
The message sent out by the Home Office is that
irregular migration is a social and economic
problem, and that migrants without full
permission to live and work in the UK should not
come here. At the same time, however, the
backdoor is open, and the labour market
provides fertile grounds for irregular migration.
As Castles points out, a powerful yardstick in
deconstructing official goals and identifying
hidden policy agendas is the failure to exercise
obvious, available and effective measures to
achieve their stated objectives.30 Where irregular
migration is concerned, sanctions on employers
are one of those tools. One reason for this
discrepancy between rhetoric and practice are
concerns over economic impacts. A clear picture
of the economic contribution of irregular
migrants – and thus the possible consequences of
their deportation – to Britain is not available.
However, recognising that the consequences
could be detrimental to the London economy,
the Mayor of London has urged both national
and EU authorities to proceed “cautiously in
framing policies towards a section of our
population about which they are largely
ignorant.”31 Indeed, according to a report from
the House of Lords’ Select Committee on the
European Union, the Home Office itself
concedes that “[i]t is probably the case that GDP
is increased by illegal immigration.”32 The report
continues to state that all EU Member States,
including the UK, “tolerate demand for low-paid
workers being met by illegal immigrants.”33
To further contexualise Bolivians’ irregular
status, it is worth restating that the nature and
pay of the work available to Bolivian migrants,
particularly under irregular circumstances, means
that 20 working hours are unrealistic in meeting
simple subsistence needs in London.
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
10
Furthermore, a number of interviewees were of
the opinion that the 20 hour limit, along with a
volatile visa situation, made them virtually
unemployable in any line of work that required
dedication, thereby ruling out any work suitable
to their skills or level of education. Thus, when
Hernando states that “if you are Bolivian, it
doesn’t matter if you are a genius. You are a
Bolivian. And that’s it. It’s a legal matter. No
more. I cannot work,” he is acutely aware of the
intricate relationship between his nationality and
his immigration status. Hernando’s words are a
powerful echo of Castles’ formulation of how
immigration policies reflect and reinforce the
global North-South divide that drives migration
in the first place. Castles argues that immigration
policies, in spite of claiming to exclude irregular
workers, often conceal practices that allow
migrants to enter in covert ways, leaving them
vulnerable to exploitation: “This is one aspect of
differential policies towards migrants with
different levels of human capital, which seem to
be generating a new transnational labor force,
stratified not only by skill and ethnicity but also
by immigration status. Such hierarchies are a key
element of global economic stratification.”34 In
this global economic landscape, Bolivia is clearly
south of the border, and Bolivians part of this
new transnational labour force.
Identities
As is the case with any discussion on ethnic
identities, it is unwise and unhelpful to speak of
‘Bolivian-ness’ in the singular. Fredrik Barth
famously observed that ethnic identity is
necessarily contextual, and is therefore liable to
change over time. Therefore, rather than
investigating the ‘cultural stuff’ within ethnic
group boundaries, we should focus our attention
on the contexts in which ethnic boundary
maintenance is played out.35 Bearing this in
mind, it is hardly surprising that being Bolivian
had different meanings to different interviewees.
Nonetheless, certain themes could be drawn out
from the interviews, and in spite of differences in
background, interviewees still described a strong
sense of pan-Bolivian sentiment. The understanding
of this pan-Bolivian-ness, however,
varied, with the length of stay in the UK an
important factor in how being Bolivian is
experienced and lived out in every day life.
For the long-term residents, being Bolivian
remains an important part of their lives and sense
of self. All maintained links with family and
friends in Bolivia (albeit to a varying degree) and
followed political developments in Bolivia
closely. However, some felt that this was not
enough to hold on to their sense of Bolivianness,
prompting them to develop strategies to do
so. These strategies were, unsurprisingly,
influenced by the fact that they had made their
lives in London. This was not an entirely
straightforward enterprise, as having lived in
Britain for the better part of their lives needed to
be reconciled with the fact that, ultimately, they
would always be Bolivian. Emilio, for example,
was aware that “despite the fact that I’ve lived
here for 25 years and feel more British than
Bolivian, I have a name that is not British, or
English, I speak Spanish, I have relatives that are
not English. So whatever happens I will be
Bolivian by default.”
The amalgamation of Bolivian-ness with
Britishness/London-ness was a recurring theme in
interviews. There was general consensus that the
multi-ethnic outlook of London allows for
multiple identities, and that there is no inherent
contradiction in being both Bolivian and a
Londoner. In this way, some interviewees said
that they feel able to pick and choose from what
they consider to be the best of both worlds. In
this respect, to be hard working was seen by
some as an essentially Bolivian trait, but in a
sense also made Bolivians more English than the
English themselves; through their hard work, they
contributed more to Britain than many Britishborn
citizens. This point was made by Victor
when discussing the ways in which he felt
British:
This is my adopted country, and it’s the
country in which I managed to make my
life. But I want to show my Britishness, if
that’s the word, in my behaviour, in my
work, in my standard of living. I’ve
never been unemployed, I always pay
my taxes, I educate my daughters to the
34 Castles (2004: 871)
35 Barth (1969)
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
11
highest education they can possibly
have. And that’s the way I think I’m
British. I contribute. Perhaps more than
any other Englishman. I’m not relying on
the welfare state, or anything like that.
This passage reveals an important distinction
made by several interviewees: that between
conduct and mentality. In other words, some longterm
residents felt that the way Bolivians act in the
UK is responsive to the social context, but in a
way that retains a strong sense of Bolivian identity:
[Bolivians are] the best immigrants that
this country has. In my opinion. We
don’t bring our religion. We don’t have
customs that affect the local society. We
don’t wear clothes to say, ‘I’m Bolivian,
I’m wearing this, I’m wearing that.’ Or ‘I
believe in this.’We don’t, we’re very
relaxed. So we absorb this society very
easily. (Victor)
Still, there was an acute understanding that, as
far as the host society is concerned, Bolivians
will always be foreigners. As Victor expressed,
this is exactly why long-term residents hold on to
their Bolivian-ness, “because it keeps us going.
You know? We got to believe in something. We
lost our customs here. So it keeps our character
stronger, is the sense that we are Bolivians.” Still,
having lived for so long in Britain means that
they are no longer fully Bolivian either. Indeed,
Andres spoke specifically about belonging to a
‘third group’ which is the Bolivian Diaspora.
Never quite accepted as British because of
language and appearance, and not quite Bolivian
for having lived abroad for so long, he described
being simultaneously ‘here and there’ and
‘betwixt and between.’ There was certainly a
feeling that being part of a Diaspora can be a
positive thing: “A bit of this, a bit of that. So it’s
beneficial because you can take the positive
things from both sides” (Andres).
However, this loss of Bolivian-ness caused some
conflict amongst interviewees, a conflict which is
embodied primarily in two things. Firstly, some
long-term residents felt that one of the sacrifices of
living and succeeding in Britain is that their
children will be more British than they are
Bolivian. Some aspects of Bolivian culture may be
taught and talked about, but this would not
amount to a full transmission of Bolivian-ness.
Thus, there was a sense in which Bolivian-ness
would end with them, and fade into memory with
their children and grandchildren:
Because there’s a price you have to pay
for everything. And that’s the price I
paid. Because I never managed to pass
on what I believe, what I feel about my
country to my daughters. Because the
influence of school and education. They
have very little of Bolivian. They like it,
they went to Bolivia. But they don’t have
the mentality. They don’t have the
culture in their hearts. (Victor)
The second point of conflict was taking up
British or European passports, which all of the
long-term residents had done. This was done for
primarily practical reasons, as travelling on a
Bolivian passport presents a host of problems
and delays. Still, some felt that giving up their
Bolivian passport represented a loss of identity,
“because my Bolivian passport was the last thing
that linked me with my country” (Andres).
Indeed, since a Bolivian passport was associated
with the cocaine industry in the minds of
immigration officials, giving it up spelled out a
certain surrender to unjust immigration practices:
“It was a principle I had. But in the end, you’re
always at the losing end. You don’t gain
anything. It’s fighting a losing battle. But what
can one do?” (Andres).
Thus, for the long-term residents, the civil rights
that came with a British passport outweighed the
potential attenuation of Bolivian identity. Identity,
then, is primarily a personal journey that is shared
with fellow Bolivians and mediated through
symbols of food, music, and parties.
For the recent arrivals, however, identity has
become more of a collective battleground. Those
who are not British/EU citizens and lack any
means of regularising their immigration status
have no access to civil rights. Instead, many of
the recently arrived interviewees adopted a
‘community rights’ discourse,36 in which Bolivian
36 This draws on Baumann’s (1999) distinction between civil rights movements, ethnic rights
movements, and religious rights movements.The problem with this in practice, however, is that
“Civil rights movements exclude foreigners, ethnic rights movements exclude so-called non- or
half-ethnics, and religious rights movements exclude nonbelievers” (ibid.: 4).
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
12
identity is central. Promoting Bolivian culture
was often mentioned as a useful tool for
generating understanding of Bolivians, and
thereby becoming a recognised ethnic group in
Britain. While many recent arrivals said that, for
a small community like Bolivians, drawing on a
pan-Latin American identity can in many ways
be beneficial, they also felt that there is still a
strong tendency among the British to conflate
Latin Americans into one ethnic group,
dominated by images of Colombian culture. This
was seen as problematic, because Bolivians are
not Colombians:
Because as a Bolivian people, we have a
very peculiar identity. Salsa is not our
music. Chachacha is not our music.
Samba is not our music. But here, we
are losing that, that’s why Terremoto37 is
very successful. Because it’s the only
club for Bolivian people in all of
London. And we are thousands. So we
thought the best way is to do with the
culture. Because we like to dance, we
like to show our dances. (Marcela)
In this sense, there is an urgent need to uncouple
Bolivian identity from Colombian identity in the
public imagination. This, however, raises an
important question: When we speak of Bolivian
culture and identity, which Bolivian culture and
identity are we actually talking about?
Cohesion
The unity and internal cohesion of the Bolivian
community in London was a topic of great
importance to the majority of interviewees. Most
said that they were, in one way or another,
striving to benefit Bolivians as a community.
However, while the Bolivian community is close
knit in some ways, it is divided in others. In spite
of the pan-Bolivian sentiments described in the
previous chapter, there is still a tendency to
distinguish between groups within the Bolivian
community, and there was a general consensus
that divisions and fragmentation made cohesion
a highly complicated goal. As previously
mentioned, the interviewees come from a variety
of geographical and social backgrounds in
Bolivia. Bolivia, of course, is a relatively
heterogeneous country, with a vast array of
different social markers. The social marker most
often cited by interviewees to have continued
relevance in London was class.38 Additionally,
there was generally little contact between longterm
residents and the recently arrived.
Most interviewees were of the opinion that
what characterises Bolivian unity are parties. This
was considered a trait brought to London from
Bolivia. However, it is exactly here that the
division between long-term residents and the
recently arrived are reflected. Parties arranged by
the two long-term resident Bolivian community
organisations – Friends of Bolivia, and the Anglo-
Bolivian Society – were considered of great
importance by a number of long-term residents.
In these parties, they were able to go back to
their roots and express their Bolivian-ness. The
connections and bonds between the long-term
residents were described by all interviewees in
this category to be strong and unified. But none
of the recent arrivals interviewed knew of these
parties, or indeed of the community organisations
themselves. This was acknowledged as a
problem by some of the long-term residents: “My
view about the Bolivians in London is that we
are growing up, and I don’t see new blood
coming to these two main organisations. I think
we have to make an effort to get these new
people into these two organisations” (Victor).
Nonetheless, recruiting newcomers was thought
to be problematic for two reasons. Firstly, most of
the recent arrivals are irregular, and would
therefore be unlikely to associate themselves
with official organisations. Secondly, the recent
arrivals are primarily economic migrants who
come here specifically to work and send money
back to Bolivia. The price paid for the ticket to
the parties, some speculated, could be put to
better use back home. Judging from the
comments made by recently arrived Bolivians,
however, most newcomers simply do not know
that these parties are being held.
Juxtaposed to these parties is Carnaval del
37 Terremoto is a Latin American club in Peckham, South London, which caters to a Bolivian
clientele.
38 Some interviewees also mentioned the distinction between Kollas – people from the Bolivian
highlands – and Cambas – who come from the tropical lowlands. However, although some felt
that the animosity that can be found between Kollas and Cambas in Bolivia has continued
relevance, this was not discussed in depth in interviews.Therefore, lack of data on this issue means
that a discussion on the relevance of the Kolla/Camba relationship in London would be largely
speculative.
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
13
Pueblo, a Latin American carnival which takes
place in south London every August. In this
carnival, Latin culture is celebrated by sharing –
in the words of its director – “the happiness,
colours and tastes of the 19 Latin American
countries in just one day.”39 The recently arrived
interviewees all attended the carnival this year,
and two were directly involved in representing
Bolivia. However, Stella pointed out that, just as
few of the recently arrived attend the parties
organised by the long-term residents, “I don’t
know if you’d have found the Bolivian ladies
married to the Europeans to go [to Carnaval del
Pueblo]. I think the separation is very obvious
there.” Thus, while parties are a tool for cohesion
and unity in one sense, in another they also
become emblems of the divisions within the
Bolivian community. Other long-term residents
made similar points, and Emilio added that the
spatial distribution of wealth in London
underlines these divisions; the parties hosted by
Friends of Bolivia or the Anglo-Bolivian Society
tend to be hosted in more affluent parts of
London, “while the Carnaval del Pueblo was
held in Peckham, in Burgess Park, which is more
access to the popular people.”
While length of stay in Britain was one factor
dividing the community, recent arrivals also
spoke about conflict and disunity amongst
themselves. It was here that class distinctions
came to the fore in interviews. It was generally
felt that the class structure in Bolivia translates, to
a certain degree, over to London. This, however,
creates a mutual sense of exclusion: workingclass
interviewees felt that middle- or upper-class
Bolivians have no interest in associating
themselves with people of the working-classes;
middle-class Bolivians, on the other hand, felt
that working-class Bolivians snubbed them in
return: “And if you are not following their
lifestyle, ‘What does she thinks she is? She thinks
she’s British.’ And they make fun of you. So we
have no contact with the community” (Marcela).
Again, this is reflected in the geography of
London. Those who are from a working-class
background, it was said, tend to converge in
poorer areas in south London, most notably
around Elephant and Castle, with several
individuals often sharing a small living space.
Those of a more affluent background, however,
are dispersed across London, but are less likely
to live in poor areas, and more likely to live on
their own.
It is important to mention that class dynamics
do change, even though the rough structure may
stay relatively intact. As Emilio pointed out, the
upper-classes are not as upper as they were in
Bolivia. Differences in real and relative wealth
are, to a certain degree, levelled in Britain, and
the economic gap between working-class and
middle-class Bolivians is less pronounced than it
is in Bolivia: “In Bolivia you will see that the rich
people are very very rich. Because there’s so
much wealth here you cannot spot where the
wealthy Bolivians are. Even the people who
come here to clean, if they save £10,000, they
can buy a house in Bolivia, and live comfortably”
(Emilio). Indeed, part of this levelling
process is the fact that many middle- to upperclass
Bolivians – due to the widespread
deskilling amongst Bolivian professionals – work
in the cleaning industry. Marcela, who came
from an affluent family in Bolivia, related a story
from her job as a cleaner, about how she
communicated with a colleague in a senior
position to her. When asking her to take out the
rubbish, her colleague addressed in the Spanish
formal mode of speaking:
He was working there for five years, he
could tell me by my name. But no, he
said señora. He made clear that he is the
boss in there. But he made clear at the
same time that he respects my social
class. And it’s ‘usted.’ But when they are
talking between them, it’s ‘tu.’ So I was
excluded from them. Automatically.
It must be noted, however, that divisions were by
no means absolute, and it would be unhelpful
and false to exaggerate them. As is discussed
above, many long-term residents were ready and
willing to help recent arrivals, but feared the
potentially negative consequences. Also, while
recent arrivals did speak at length about class
differences, many also stressed the help they had
received from fellow Bolivians, often cutting
across class barriers. Indeed, the ‘word of mouth’
information economy is in itself testament to a
39 BBC News great degree of social cohesion. Similarly to
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
14
Colombian migrants,40 a shared experience of
migration becomes a locus for unity.
But nor should the perceived disunity be
understated, as it bears direct relevance to
Bolivian migrants’ relationship with the British
state. Many of the recently arrived interviewees
said that communication and information was
the main problem facing Bolivian migrants in
London, and that the best things the government
could provide them were: a) accessible
information, in Spanish, about practical issues
relating to living in Britain, as well as courses or
workshops on how to navigate the British system
– only through clear knowledge of their rights
can migrants combat exploitation; and b)
channels of communication within the Bolivian
community to consolidate different factions. But
many hastened to add that for information and
communication to bear any relevance for the
Bolivian community, the community needs to
become more internally coherent and unified. In
this respect, Hernando compared Bolivians to
other Latin American communities in London.
He felt that Colombians, Venezuelans and
Ecuadorians could correctly be called
‘communities’ because there is a great deal of
solidarity amongst them, but that this is not the
case with Bolivians, making service provision a
difficult task: “I tell you what the government can
help us. Give us channels of communication.
How you can give communication to people
who are not organised? So the first step is to
organise the community” (Hernando). This point
was accentuated by Angelita:
At the moment, the government cannot
do anything for the community. We need
to change our minds. The community,
not the government. The government
can give many things, but the
community has to accept that. But it’s
difficult. First, we have to have a
community meeting. And make a
research, a questionnaire, ‘What do you
need?’
This brings us back to the issue of identity, as
some interviewees felt that the best way to create
community cohesion is to promote Bolivian
culture – through the means of festivals – to
English people. Creating an interest in Bolivian
people amongst the local population, it was
argued, would provide Bolivians with a platform
for unification through collective pride in their
culture:
If you make activities, not for the
Bolivian community, for the English
community. Because the English
community don’t know nothing about
Bolivia. And that’s reality. And if we can
make activities to show the English
community what is really Bolivia, people
will start to feel Bolivian, because it’s a
feeling thing, it’s not a political thing.
You have to feel Bolivian. (Hernando)
Again, interviewees felt that this celebration of
Bolivian-ness needs to be disconnected from
standard images in the popular imagination of
the English. The problem with events such as
Carnaval del Pueblo, some argued, is that it is
dominated by Colombian cultural tradition,
while Bolivians are fairly marginal to the
enterprise. Still, the celebration and promotion of
Bolivian culture is not just for Bolivians, but was
felt to be instrumental in paving the way for
integration to British society as well.
Integration
If a complex and essentially elusive term as
‘integration’ could in some way be quantified, it
could only be said that Bolivians integrate well
to life in London. Thus, the somewhat bleak
picture described above needs to be balanced
against a more positive one. Most interviewees –
both long-term residents and recent arrivals –
said that they were happy living in London.
While a large amount of deskilling certainly goes
hand in hand with the migration process, most
interviewees said that Britain does allow people
to grow and develop their skills. This view was
prevalent amongst the long-term residents, many
of whom came to the UK with nothing, and have
been able to build a good life. Many of the longterm
residents experienced similar deskilling as
the recent arrivals, but had managed to work
40 McIlwaine (2005: 44) their way to what they considered a comfortable
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
15
place in life. Amongst the recent arrivals, many
said that it was exactly the prospect and possibility
of doing so that compelled them to stay.
In this respect, the multicultural aspect of
London was cited as a facilitator of integration.
While long-term interviewees all said that they
would always be foreigners in this country, this
did not amount to a feeling of outright rejection.
The racism described in previous chapters was
primarily experienced at an institutional level.
While many interviewees said they had
experienced racism from the public, this was not
considered to be a prominent part of life in
London. Rather, the multicultural character of
London allows for being both a Bolivian and a
Londoner, fostering a sense of belonging:
And I got used to London as well,
London was an exciting city, a lot of
opportunities. I think if you have the
qualities and qualifications, you can get
a job, especially in London. I think
London is so multinational … You meet
so many new and exciting people,
cultures, so many different things,
events, that’s happening around different
cultures. It’s a learning experience, you
don’t ever reach that plateau where you
know everything. That’s why I stayed so
long in London, and that’s why I don’t
feel any urgency to go back. (Emilio)
Indeed, the recent arrivals said that – with their
Bolivian qualifications not recognised in Britain –
they are/were certainly forced to start at the
bottom and work their way up. But this is exactly
what they said they intend to do. In other words,
the deskilling process is not static, and all recent
arrivals believed that in spite of initial setbacks,
London is a place where people from all over the
world are given a chance to grow. The secret
ingredient to success in London – hard work –
was considered to be an essentially Bolivian trait:
The minimum of what the Bolivian can
do here, is to work hard, for themselves.
And that will reflect on the English
society. And I think we’ve managed to
do that. Because wherever you go,
you’re never going to see a Bolivian
who’s lost the opportunities in this
country, or they managed to do
something wrong. Most of them are very
very hard workers. They manage to get
into the opportunities that this country
offer them. And they use them. And
they’re succeeding. And they’re still
succeeding now. (Victor)
Still, integration and acceptance into British
society does not happen on its own accord, but
was described as something that needs to be
proactively worked towards. Many spoke of
involving themselves in activities outside work,
such as sports, charity work or English classes.
These kinds of activities were considered
important for a number of inter-related reasons.
Firstly, they allowed the interviewees to learn
more about British life, both social and
bureaucratic, and at the same time teach Britons
about Bolivia, thereby contributing to enhanced
understanding in both directions. Secondly, they
proved to be a great asset when dealing with the
authorities. For example, Emilio described how
his involvement with a charity had assisted him
when applying for naturalisation. This work, he
said, demonstrated to the government that “I
wasn’t a timewaster or economic grabber.”
Similarly, when Eliana was caught by immigration
officials for working beyond the 20 hours
allowed by her student visa, she was able to
avoid deportation by evincing her dedication to
her English studies. Knowing that her entry
conditions did not allow her to work as much as
she did, she also realised that she needed to be
able to show that she is actively trying to
integrate and contribute to Britain:
So that’s why I study, and I had 95%
attendance, I never failed an exam, and I
have my diplomas. So when the time
came to apply for a visa, I could show
that. So I’m not just fooling around,
getting a job, and not going to study or
paying for someone to sign for me.
That’s the effort I made. So I worked 12
hours and on top of that went to college,
but that’s why they let me stay.
This leads us to the third reason, which is the
immense importance placed on learning the
English language. While all interviewees spoke
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
16
English at the time of research, many did not do
so when they first arrived. Speaking adequate
English was considered by all to be absolutely
essential to successfully living and working in
Britain. For this reason, employment in the
cleaning sector was seen as a great inhibitor for
integration. Several interviewees who worked as
cleaners described a situation which they
explained as ‘having the key.’ This means that
they work outside office hours, typically between
5 and eight in the morning and evening, where
they ‘have the key’ to get into an empty office:
So I can work one office 6-8 in the
evening, another office maybe 8:30-
10:30. So I am working four hours. But
that is with no communication. Alone.
You don’t talk with anyone. We have
what we call madrugada – early morning
– 5-8. And then, again, you are working
on your own because you are cleaning
the office before other people is coming.
(Marcela)
In this way, those interviewees who ‘have the
key’ correspond to the catch-22 situation of
Colombian migrants interviewed by McIlwaine41
and Latin Americans generally as described by
Carlisle;42 working unsociable hours in an
environment where they are not able to routinely
practice their English means that they have little
possibility to improve their language skills,
which, in turn, offers the primary opportunity to
develop professionally. As Carlisle rightly points
out, “[i]t is a vicious circle as the only jobs
available to non-English speakers are ‘hidden’
jobs, which offer no opportunity to socialise or
network with other English speakers.”43 This
situation is exacerbated for those who are at risk
of being deported, as they are less likely to invest
time and money to learn English.
The final aspect to mention in this section is
the distinction – discussed in the Identities
chapter – made between conduct and mentality.
As already mentioned, some long-term residents
felt that their Bolivian identity does not interfere
with their ability to integrate. Quite the contrary,
Gabriel said that it was exactly the Bolivians’
wish to contribute and to be positively regarded
which strengthened their sense of Bolivian-ness,
a view which was held by a number of
interviewees. Victor, for example, felt that:
We’re not coming here to say we’re
Bolivian. You know, we come here to
work … Because the only thing you can
show, to this society, that we are
Bolivian, is because you’re going to see
someone who is honest, hard working
people. And suddenly, ‘Where do you
come from?’ ‘From Bolivia.’ And that’s
what I want. Because I don’t want to
show to this society that I’m Bolivian by
making myself notorious, or go and
protest why we’re not recognised.
Indeed, projecting a positive image of Bolivians
was considered to be a potential source of
improved intra-community cohesion, exactly
because it enhances pride in Bolivian identity.
Promoting Bolivian culture could in this instance
simultaneously serve to unify the Bolivian
community, as was discussed in the previous
chapter, as well as paving the way for social
affirmation on the half of the native population.
In this way, the distinction made between a
Bolivian mentality and British conduct meant
that interviewees felt both accepted into the fold
of British society and allowed to retain their
Bolivian-ness.
Conclusion
As the number of Bolivians finding their way to
London progressively grows, so does the need for
a clearer understanding of their experiences. As
was mentioned in the introduction, little is
actually known about Bolivians in London. It
may therefore be tempting to draw on what is
known about other Latin American groups when
engaging with the Bolivian community. However,
it is clear that one cannot simply equate
Bolivians with ‘Latin Americans’ generally; a
continent wide approach is certainly of limited
use. A comparison with McIlwaine’s study44
demonstrates that while many of the issues
identified by the interviewees of this study
41 McIlwaine (2005: 33-34)
42 Carlisle (2006: 238-239)
43 Carlisle (2006: 239)
44 McIlwaine (2005)
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
17
overlap with issues faced by Colombians, others
are unique to Bolivians. This should hardly
come as a surprise, seeing that the political,
social and cultural contexts of the sending
countries are highly different. Furthermore, a
longer history of sustained migration to London
and far greater numbers where Colombians are
concerned make the receiving contexts at
variance as well, a point made by several
interviewees. The support networks available to
recently arrived Colombians are relatively
extensive and well established,45 while they are
far less developed within the Bolivian
community. Indeed, Bolivians rely to a certain
extent on Colombian networks and community
organisations, a situation which has both
advantages and drawbacks.
One of the main problems mentioned by the
interviewees was the fragmentation and disunity
amongst Bolivians in London. Class distinctions
and, to a lesser degree, place of origin – both
important social markers in Bolivia – appear to
have continued relevance in London. Many
interviewees spoke of lack of social relations,
even animosity, between classes. Similarly,
there appears to be little contact between longterm
residents and recent arrivals. Thus, there is
limited transmission of the long-term residents’
experiences and knowledge to recent arrivals,
who in many ways are now in a similar
position. While disunity is problematic because
it attenuates intra-community cohesion, it also
undermines Bolivians’ relationship with the
state. This was widely acknowledged amongst
the recent arrivals, who generally felt that
information and channels of communication
were the two things that the government could
provide them with. But as Hernando pointed
out: “How you can give communication to
people who are not organised? So the first step
is to organise the community.” Thus, while
many interviewees felt discriminated against
precisely because they are Bolivian, they also
recognised that a collective Bolivian voice
would be a powerful tool to combat this
discrimination.
However, while the fragmentation of the
Bolivian community in London can in many
ways be attributed to internal divisions brought
along from Bolivia, current immigration policies
do little to ameliorate the situation. For
example, the student visa on which many
Bolivians enter Britain allows them to
legitimately work 20 hours. However, all of the
recently arrived interviewees worked far more,
and found it relatively easy to do so. Furthermore,
in spite of tough Government talk on
immigration policy – particularly where
irregular migration is concerned – in practice
would-be immigrants find a fertile field for
living and working in Britain off the record. This
relegates them to an irregular immigration status
in the eyes of long-term residents as well as the
authorities, which interviewees said was driving
a wedge between long-term residents and
recent arrivals. While this situation is unlikely
to be unique to Bolivians, it does partly derive
from Bolivia’s particular place in the global
economic hierarchy. As Farrant et al. remind us,
“it is the policies of receiving countries that
create irregularity.”46 In the current immigration
policy landscape, Bolivian migrants come from
the ‘South’ in the North-South divide that
generates much migration in the first place.47
This is reflected in their immigration status,
which in turn contributes to intra-community
divisions.
To conclude, we may join Vertovec in asking
“what kind of forums, spaces and networks
should be created and supported to stimulate
inter-relationships of new-comers and settled
communities?”48 The situation of Bolivians is
particularly tricky. The three platforms, listed by
Baumann, on which discrimination is usually
fought – civil rights, religious rights and ethnic
rights49 – are problematic where Bolivians are
concerned. Obviously, a large part of recent
arrivals have no claim on civil rights; not only
do they lack citizenship, but often lack full
administrative permission to work in Britain.
Nor does religion appear to carry enough
weight amongst Bolivians to provide strong
claims to rights. While some interviewees stated
that Catholic Church organisations are meeting
places for Bolivians, this was considered to be
45 In spite of this, McIlwaine (2005: 42-44) reports a high degree of disunity and distrust within
the Colombian community as well. Significantly, however, many of her interviewees said they
receive substantial support from migrant support organisations.
46 Farrant et al. (2006: 8)
47 cf. Castles (2004: 862)
48 Vertovec (2006: 30)
49 Baumann (1999)
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
18
more for social reasons than religious. In any
case, Bolivians are not discriminated against
because of their religion. Finally, disunity and
fragmentation amongst Bolivians means that, at
present, ethnicity provides a fragile platform for
fighting discrimination. Furthermore, current
discrimination against recently arrived Bolivians
is largely connected to their immigration status,
and this is likely to be the case in the near
future. Claiming rights along ethnic lines would
not be enough to counter this.
Developing a collective voice to represent
the rights and interests of Bolivians is an
important and timely task. Many long-term
residents spoke about the need to involve
newcomers in their community activities.
Indeed, this could lead to transmission of
knowledge and experiences, which is currently
limited. Developing a pan-Bolivian sentiment
could also foster a stronger ‘ethnic rights’
discourse amongst recent arrivals. This is a
pressing task, considering that many issues –
such as the structure of intra-community
relations and lack of developed community
networks – are specific (albeit not unique) to
Bolivians. However, considering the reported
high frequency of irregular immigration status
amongst Bolivians, recent arrivals could tap into
a fourth rights discourse: migrants’ rights. If
social inclusion and good community relations
are to be promoted, Flynn has argued that:
The relative degree of success in
achieving these objectives depends on
the capacity of migrant communities to
represent their collective interests to the
local authorities, to gather allies from
amongst other groups in promoting
their needs, and their ability to
negotiate favourable outcomes with the
various levels of power-holders.50
In this sense, an affiliation with other people
with similar experiences of the migratory
process, but not necessarily of the same ethnic
group, could provide irregular Bolivian migrants
with support and a forum through which they
could learn about and pursue their rights.
Nevertheless, there was a strong consensus
amongst the interviewees that intra-community
relations need to be strengthened – if not to
pursue rights, then certainly to nurture
cohesion. Most were of the opinion that a
potent Bolivian identity is in a symbiotic
relationship with intra-community cohesion:
one appears to be dependent on and nurture
the other. Both are, in turn, conducive to intercommunity
relations, as healthy relationships
within the Bolivian community would promote
healthy relationships with other communities.
Pride in Bolivian-ness, it was argued, would
present Bolivians with a platform on which they
could constructively interact with other groups.
Indeed, the multi-ethnic character of Britain is a
welcoming environment to build and retain a
strong ethnic identity, which is vital for
Bolivians to feel part of our community of
communities.
50 Flynn (2006: 2)
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
19
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http://devdata.worldbank.org/AAG/bol_aag.pdf
Zetter, Roger, David Griffiths, Nando Sigona, Don
Flynn, Tauhid Pasha and Rhian Beynon (2006)
Immigration, Social Cohesion and Social Capital:
What are the Links? York: Joseph Rowntree Rowntree
Foundation. Available under: www.jrf.org.uk/
bookshop/ebooks/9781899354440.pdf
BOLIVIANS IN LONDON – CHALLENGES & ACHIEVEMENTS OF A LONDON COMMUNITY
Equal Respect – ASBOs and Race Equality
A Runnymede Report by Sarah Isal (2006)
Why Preferential Polices Can Be Fair – Achieving Equality for Members of Disadvantaged Groups
Runnymede Perspectives by Omar Khan (2006)
Preventing Racist Violence
Work with Actual and Potential Perpetrators – Learning from Practice to Policy Change
A Runnymede Report by Sarah Isal (2005)
The Space Between: From Rhetoric to Reality on Race Equality in the Workplace
A Runnymede Trust Report by Sandra Sanglin-Grant (2005)
Social Capital, Civil Renewal & Ethnic Diversity
Proceedings of a Runnymede Conference (2004)
Preventing Racist Violence: Interim Findings
Sarah Isal (Working Paper June 2004)
Realising the Vision: Progress and Further Challenges
The Report of the CFMEB (2000) revisited in 2004
(Briefing Paper April 2004)
Guardians of Race Equality
Perspectives on Inspection and Regulation
Ed. Rob Berkeley (2003)
Developing Community Cohesion: Understanding The Issues, Delivering Solutions
Proceedings of a Runnymede Conference of October 2002 (2003)
Complementing Teachers: A Practical Guide to Promoting Race Equality in Schools
(2003, Runnymede/Granada Learning)
Divided by the Same Language? Equal Opportunities and Diversity Translated
(Briefing Paper March 2003)
Cohesion, Community and Citizenship:
Proceedings of a Runnymede Conference (2002)
Perpetrators of Racist Violence and Harassment: A Runnymede Research Report
Omar Khan (2002)
Widening the Talent Pool: Racial Equality in FTSE-100 Companies
(Briefing Paper April 2002)
Mentoring: Business and Schools Working Together
Linda Appiah (2001)
The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain: The Parekh Report
Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain (2000, Profile Books)
Moving On Up? Race Equality and the Corporate Agenda: a study of FTSE 100 companies (2000)
The Information Needs of London’s Voluntary Sector: Ethnic Minority Issues (1999)
Improving Practice. A whole school approach to raising the achievement of African Caribbean youth,
Nottingham Trent and Runnymede (1998)
Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All (1997)
This Is Where I Live: Stories and Pressures in Brixton (1996)
A Very Light Sleeper: The Persistence and Dangers of Anti-Semitism (1994)
For information on how to order Runnymede and jointly published titles contact us at:
The Runnymede Trust
7 Plough Yard, London EC2A 3LP
T: 020 7377 9222 F: 020 7377 6622
E: info@runnymedetrust.org W: www.runnymedetrust.org
Selected Runnymede Publications
20
About Runnymede
The Runnymede Trust is an independent policy research organisation focusing on equality and
justice through the promotion of a successful multi-ethnic society. Founded as a Charitable
Educational Trust, Runnymede has a long track record in policy research, working in close
collaboration with eminent thinkers and policymakers in the public, private and voluntary
sectors. We believe that the way ahead lies in building effective partnerships, and we are
continually developing these with the voluntary sector, the government, local authorities and
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Since 1968, the date of Runnymede’s foundation, we have worked to establish and maintain a
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and culturally diverse. Runnymede continues to speak with a thoughtful and independent
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The Runnymede Trust
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Associative text. Caral may have been a highly specialised netmaking town.", "series": "", "seriesNumber": "", "volume": "", "numberOfVolumes": "", "edition": "", "date": "1953", "publisher": "s.n.", "place": "[S.l.", "originalDate": "", "originalPublisher": "", "originalPlace": "", "format": "", "numPages": "", "ISBN": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "", "accessDate": "", "ISSN": "", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "The bridport story", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "Open WorldCat", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Caral" }, { "tag": "Cities and towns" }, { "tag": "Nets" }, { "tag": "Peru" }, { "tag": "textiles" } ], "collections": [], "relations": { "owl:sameAs": "http://zotero.org/groups/3766/items/KJUS8E6M" }, "dateAdded": "2010-09-14T07:28:58Z", "dateModified": "2010-09-14T07:28:58Z" } }, { "key": "Z7VTTF8Z", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 3843, "name": "Peruvia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/3843/items/Z7VTTF8Z", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia/items/Z7VTTF8Z", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 38824, "username": "chiguata", "name": "Paul Goulder", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/chiguata", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "Z7VTTF8Z", "version": 1, "itemType": "webpage", "title": "Staatliche Museen zu Berlin - Collections / Institutes", "creators": [], "abstractNote": "", "websiteTitle": "", "websiteType": "", "date": "", "publisher": "", "place": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.smb.museum/smb/sammlungen/details.php?lang=en&objID=56&p=1", "accessDate": "2010-09-13T13:33:12Z", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Archaeology" }, { "tag": "textiles" } ], "collections": [], "relations": { "owl:sameAs": "http://zotero.org/groups/3766/items/SAWIA7JG" }, "dateAdded": "2010-09-14T07:28:58Z", "dateModified": "2010-09-14T07:28:58Z" } }, { "key": "UBIXUIMI", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 3843, "name": "Peruvia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/3843/items/UBIXUIMI", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia/items/UBIXUIMI", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 38824, "username": "chiguata", "name": "Paul Goulder", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/chiguata", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "UBIXUIMI", "version": 1, "itemType": "webpage", "title": "Poncho", "creators": [], "abstractNote": "", "websiteTitle": "", "websiteType": "", "date": "", "publisher": "", "place": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.mwk-frankfurt.de/Medien/Ausstellungen/Being_Object._Being_Art./Poncho/index.html", "accessDate": "2010-09-08T10:01:38Z", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Andean textiles" }, { "tag": "Archaeology" }, { "tag": "Peru" }, { "tag": "textiles" } ], "collections": [], "relations": { "owl:sameAs": "http://zotero.org/groups/3766/items/EFHPMIAV" }, "dateAdded": "2010-09-14T07:28:58Z", "dateModified": "2010-09-14T07:28:58Z" } }, { "key": "T7FTM9TF", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 3843, "name": "Peruvia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/3843/items/T7FTM9TF", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia/items/T7FTM9TF", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 38824, "username": "chiguata", "name": "Paul Goulder", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/chiguata", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Lane", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "T7FTM9TF", "version": 1, "itemType": "webpage", "title": "Bella Lane Embroidery :: Traditional and Creative Goldwork", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Bella", "lastName": "Lane" } ], "abstractNote": "Bella Lane was born in the Amazon rainforest in Peru. She came to London in 2001 and worked as a volunteer for VSO completing community development assignments in Tanzania, Somaliland and Pakistan as well as helping disadvantaged women with small enterprises in Ethiopia. She is still committed to humanitarian work and supports charity organisations whenever possible.", "websiteTitle": "", "websiteType": "", "date": "", "publisher": "", "place": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.bembroidery.co.uk/?c=2162", "accessDate": "2010-07-28T07:40:41Z", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Art" }, { "tag": "Pachacamac" }, { "tag": "Peru" }, { "tag": "textiles" } ], "collections": [], "relations": { "owl:sameAs": "http://zotero.org/groups/3766/items/PB59I7WX" }, "dateAdded": "2010-09-14T07:28:58Z", "dateModified": "2010-09-14T07:28:58Z" } }, { "key": "TUGZKIPB", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 3843, "name": "Peruvia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/3843/items/TUGZKIPB", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia/items/TUGZKIPB", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 38824, "username": "chiguata", "name": "Paul Goulder", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/chiguata", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Lane", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "TUGZKIPB", "version": 1, "itemType": "webpage", "title": "B Embroidery :: Ecclesiastical and Regimental", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Bella", "lastName": "Lane" } ], "abstractNote": "", "websiteTitle": "", "websiteType": "", "date": "", "publisher": "", "place": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.bembroidery.co.uk/?c=2171", "accessDate": "2010-07-24T05:32:47Z", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Paracas" }, { "tag": "Peru" }, { "tag": "textiles" } ], "collections": [], "relations": { "owl:sameAs": "http://zotero.org/groups/3766/items/DQWMEBBD" }, "dateAdded": "2010-09-14T07:28:58Z", "dateModified": "2010-09-14T07:28:58Z" } }, { "key": "Q5BXNWV5", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 3843, "name": "Peruvia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/3843/items/Q5BXNWV5", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia/items/Q5BXNWV5", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 38824, "username": "chiguata", "name": "Paul Goulder", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/chiguata", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Museo Larco (Inst)", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "Q5BXNWV5", "version": 1, "itemType": "webpage", "title": "Museo Larco: Búsqueda por categoría", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "", "lastName": "Museo Larco (Inst)" } ], "abstractNote": "RFW\n\nEl Proyecto de Registro y Catalogación Electrónica de la Colección Mochica del MUSEO LARCO es producto del esfuerzo conjunto de un museo privado, una fundación privada que tiene como objetivo el fomento de la cultura a través de la aplicación de tecnología de punta en el campo de las comunicaciones (Fundación Telefónica), y un equipo de arqueólogos especializados en campos complementarios (curaduría de colecciones arqueológicas, principalmente colecciones Mochica, y aplicación de métodos informáticos en la investigación arqueológica).", "websiteTitle": "", "websiteType": "", "date": "", "publisher": "", "place": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://catalogomuseolarco.perucultural.org.pe/catalogue.asp", "accessDate": "2010-07-15T12:42:09Z", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2010-07-15T13:18:54Z", "dateModified": "2010-07-15T13:18:54Z" } }, { "key": "TVTFJMKR", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 3843, "name": "Peruvia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/3843/items/TVTFJMKR", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia/items/TVTFJMKR", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 38824, "username": "chiguata", "name": "Paul Goulder", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/chiguata", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Cox", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "TVTFJMKR", "version": 1, "itemType": "book", "title": "Sasachakuy tiempo: memoria y pervivencia", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "editor", "firstName": "Mark", "lastName": "Cox" } ], "abstractNote": "(Not yet catalogued at the BNP). El tema es la literatura y la violencia politica de los años ochenta y noventa. 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It is claimed that employees of Monterrico assisted police in the abuse, which lasted for three days.\n\nA lawyer for the claimants said it was \"inconceivable\" that the company was not aware of the abuse.\n\nFollowing a fully contested hearing in July 2009, the High Court has ordered a freezing injunction for £5 million against the London-registered firm.", "websiteTitle": "", "websiteType": "", "date": "", "publisher": "", "place": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index.php/news/britain/Torture-murder-and-metal-profit", "accessDate": "2009-10-21T20:25:14Z", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Bolivarian" }, { "tag": "Peru" }, { "tag": "Peruvian-British" } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2009-10-21T20:39:17Z", "dateModified": "2009-10-21T20:39:17Z" } }, { "key": "GQH2SGV9", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 3843, "name": "Peruvia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/3843/items/GQH2SGV9", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia/items/GQH2SGV9", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 38824, "username": "chiguata", "name": "Paul Goulder", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/chiguata", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 1 }, "data": { "key": "GQH2SGV9", "version": 1, "itemType": "webpage", "title": "The Devil And Mr Casement / Non-Fiction / Books / Culture / Home - Morning Star", "creators": [], "abstractNote": "Made In Porto-Novo\nExhibition\n\nWill Hazoumé’s work finally wake up the West's critics?\nGabriel Garcia Marquez\nBooks\n\nA sympathetic but not uncritical voice in Gerald Martin's biography of famed fiction writer Gabriel Garcia Marquez\nAddicted In Afghanistan\nFilm\n\nJawad Taiman's harrowing new documentary\nMore Miles Than Money: Journeys Through American Music\nBook\nDesperate To Be Doris\nTheatre\nCulture\nThe Devil And Mr Casement\nby Jordan Goodman (Verso, £17.99)\nTuesday 22 September 2009\nAlan Lloyd\nPrintable page Printable\nEmail Email\nSTRONG-WILLED: Roger Casement and John Devoy\n\nMost students of 20th century history will be aware of the headline story of Irish nationalist Sir Roger Casement being executed for treason in 1916.\n\nHowever, few people will have any idea about the background of the man justifiably described as \"the most experienced and most widely lauded investigator of human rights abuses of his day.\"\n\nThis well researched and enthralling book chronicles the story of the indigenous Indians of the Putumayo, an almost impenetrable Amazonian region of Peru.\n\nThe unchallenged masters of the area were the Peruvian Amazon Rubber Company which used Barbadian overseers to maximise the production of latex, feeding the rocketing demand from the unquestioning capitalist economies of the US and Europe.", "websiteTitle": "", "websiteType": "", "date": "", "publisher": "", "place": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index.php/news/culture/books/non-fiction/The-Devil-And-Mr-Casement", "accessDate": "2009-10-21T20:22:36Z", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Bolivarian" }, { "tag": "Peru" }, { "tag": "Peruvian-British" } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2009-10-21T20:39:17Z", "dateModified": "2009-10-21T20:39:17Z" } }, { "key": "BUTWGKE2", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 3843, "name": "Peruvia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/3843/items/BUTWGKE2", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia/items/BUTWGKE2", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 38824, "username": "chiguata", "name": "Paul Goulder", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/chiguata", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 1 }, "data": { "key": "BUTWGKE2", "version": 1, "itemType": "webpage", "title": "Putting the Spine Back in the Commonwealth: Peter Linebaugh on the Living Legacy of Tom Paine « Verso UK's Blog", "creators": [], "abstractNote": "Putting the Spine Back in the Commonwealth: Peter Linebaugh on the Living Legacy of Tom Paine\n\nOctober 21, 2009 by versouk\n\nPeter Linebaugh, radical historian and introducer of Thomas Paine’s The Rights of Man and Common Sense for the Revolutions! series writes about London, Thomas Paine and his experience of seeing Trevor Griffith’s play recently performed at Shakespeare’s Globe theatre A New World – A Life of Thomas Paine:\n\nThe Commons, the Nobel for Economics and the Living Legacy of Tom Paine Putting the Spine Back in the Commonwealth\n\n Verso 9781844673803 Rights of Man small… A couple Fridays ago… A New World: A Life of Thomas Paine… was performed at the Globe, Trevor Griffith’s magnificent play. We walked across the Thames afterwards, across the Millennium Bridge, the footbridge that sways, to Mansion House and the Circle Line. St Paul’s Cathedral was lit up, the Globe behind us was still illuminated, the clouds parted to reveal a full moon, and light glittered on the river. No, the scene was not that to evoke the nation. Between the banks of the Thames we could point out, amid the bank buildings of the City, where the demos of 1999, 2001 took place (‘Take Over the City’) against privatization of England and the planet. Again, the buildings were the background to the demo last spring against the G-20. Already, the commons was a call.", "websiteTitle": "", "websiteType": "", "date": "", "publisher": "", "place": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://versouk.wordpress.com/2009/10/21/peter-linebaugh-on-the-living-legacy-of-tom-paine-putting-the-spine-back-in-the-commonwealth/", "accessDate": "2009-10-21T20:29:55Z", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Bolivarian" }, { "tag": "Peru" }, { "tag": "Peruvian-British" } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2009-10-21T20:39:17Z", "dateModified": "2009-10-21T20:39:17Z" } }, { "key": "7SA8DXAV", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 3843, "name": "Peruvia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/3843/items/7SA8DXAV", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia/items/7SA8DXAV", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 38824, "username": "chiguata", "name": "Paul Goulder", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/chiguata", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 1 }, "data": { "key": "7SA8DXAV", "version": 1, "itemType": "webpage", "title": "Oliver Stone’s latest film with Hugo Chavez and Tariq Ali: South of the Border « Verso UK's Blog", "creators": [], "abstractNote": "Oliver Stone’s latest film with Hugo Chavez and Tariq Ali: South of the Border\n\nSeptember 7, 2009 by versouk\n\nOliver Stone’s new documentary South of the Border premiers at the Venice Film Festival today. South of the Border is Stone’s exploration of Latin America’s relationship with the US, including major interviews with the Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez and Tariq Ali.\n\nWatch an exclusive trailer for South of the Border on the Guardian Film blog post by Oliver Stone in which he explains his intentions for the film further:\n\n As is often the case, the man I met was not the man I’d read and heard about in the US media… Was Hugo Chávez really the anti–American force we’ve been told he is? Once we began our journey, we found ourselves going beyond Venezuela to several other countries, and interviewing seven presidents in the region, telling a larger and even more compelling story, which has now become South of the Border. Leader after leader seemed to be saying the same thing. They wanted to control their own resources, strengthen regional ties, be treated as equals with the US, and become financially independent of the International Monetary Fund (IMF).", "websiteTitle": "", "websiteType": "", "date": "", "publisher": "", "place": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://versouk.wordpress.com/2009/09/07/oliver-stones-latest-film-with-hugo-chavez-and-tariq-ali-south-of-the-border/", "accessDate": "2009-10-21T20:28:38Z", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Bolivarian" }, { "tag": "Peru" }, { "tag": "Peruvian-British" } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2009-10-21T20:39:17Z", "dateModified": "2009-10-21T20:39:17Z" } }, { "key": "IBXA4KGB", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 3843, "name": "Peruvia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/3843/items/IBXA4KGB", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/peruvia/items/IBXA4KGB", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 38824, "username": "chiguata", "name": "Paul Goulder", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/chiguata", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Goulder", "numChildren": 1 }, "data": { "key": "IBXA4KGB", "version": 1, "itemType": "webpage", "title": "Fujimori, Arana, massacres, impunity and immunity | Peruvian Times", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Paul", "lastName": "Goulder" } ], "abstractNote": "Fujimori, Arana, massacres, impunity and immunity\n\nColumnists, Feature, Human Rights, Law & Justice, Looking Back, Opinion, Peruvian History Information - Posted on May, 26 at 12:44 am\n\nBy Paul Goulder ~\n\nIn April ex-President Fujimori was sentenced to twenty-five years in prison and the long fight for justice by relatives of those killed at Cantuta and Barrios Altos, and who had absolutely no connection with terrorism, have seen some belated and grim reward. It has been called “un hito jurídico mundial[i]” (an international legal milestone).\n\nFlashback to 1909\n\nAnother milestone occurred in Peru about one hundred years ago[ii] when the uncircumscribed freedom of rubber barons (not “robber barons” as one of my students had it in her essay, though she may have a point) to abuse the indigenous Amazonians was challenged by a parliamentary committee – sitting not in Lima but in London.\n\nThe image of the cauchero has become that of brigandage, of men sweeping through the Amazon basin with impunity – invading the territory of existing inhabitants, torturing, beating, forcibly transporting their “fellow citizens,” and when any of the lowland tropical groups (e.g. in the Putumayo river area, and elsewhere) resisted they had been enslaved, massacred or worse (yes, it’s possible). That, however, was not the image portrayed in the leading press of the day.", "websiteTitle": "", "websiteType": "", "date": "", "publisher": "", "place": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.peruviantimes.com/fujimori-arana-massacres-impunity-and-immunity", "accessDate": "2009-10-21T20:31:56Z", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Bolivarian" }, { "tag": "Peru" }, { "tag": "Peruvian-British" } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2009-10-21T20:39:17Z", "dateModified": "2009-10-21T20:39:17Z" } } ]