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            "abstractNote": "Even more importantly: why do both of the reactions described above focus on nationalism, and not on the social conditions that produced the Tibetan crisis? (Revised version, p. I) Despite these important additions, the conceptual framework remains generally unchanged, as Wang Hui uses key notions developed in other essays to shed light on the contradictions of Tibet, in particular his critique of the empire/nation-state dichotomy developed in the four-volume The Rise of Modern Chinese Thought, and his views on \"depoliticised politics\" inspired by Carl Schmitt (see below notes 8 and 18). [...]these two publications by important actors in the internal debate in China-critical intellectuals within the academic system and non-governmental civil rights groups-are worthy of interest in their own right, in that they demonstrate the urgency of the challenges posed by the Tibetan deadlock to Chinese intellectuals and, despite the lack of public discussion on ethnic minorities acknowledged by Wang Hui (revised version, p. 47, n. 93), attest to the possibility for debate within China on the question of Tibet and government policy in Tibet.\\n This call for diverse voices is substantiated by references to the Gongmeng report, Ma Rong's research, and also to several (unnamed) Tibetan friends and colleagues.",
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            "abstractNote": "The generally accepted narrative for the birth of the modern Uyghur nation suggests that a\nnational ideal for the Uyghur people and the use of the ‘Uyghur’ ethnonym in the modern\ncontext were creations of Soviet bureaucrats in the 1920s that were later promoted among\nUyghurs in Xinjiang by Chinese authorities with Soviet sympathies. This article challenges\nthis view by drawing on Uyghur language sources, which demonstrate the agency of\nUyghur intellectuals in the creation of the concept of a modern Uyghur nation during the\nearly twentieth century. In examining the activities of Uyghur intellectuals in fostering a\nmodern Uyghur national identity, the article emphasizes the role of anti-colonial sentiments\nin this movement, thus linking the Uyghur example to post-colonial scholarly arguments\nabout the development of modern national consciousness among formerly colonized\npeoples around the world.",
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            "abstractNote": "The fear of a burgeoning Salafi-jihadism in Xinjiang has been a public driving\nfactor in Chinese policies in the region. This menace is exaggerated. Though there\nmay be Salafi-jihadist elements among the larger, discontented Uyghur population,\nit is not a mass movement posing an existential threat to the Chinese political order in\nXinjiang. Nationalism fuels this Sino-Uyghur conflict while Islam functions as a\npragmatic weapon. Uyghur Islam, Uyghur identity, and the history of Uyghur\nrebellions in the twentieth century, all undergird this conclusion. The form of\nIslam—Hanafi, Sufi, and indigenous customs—commonly practiced by Uyghurs\nis antithetical to Salafism and the state imposes constraints on religious praxis. A\nMuslim identity is only one among several competing identities that comprise the\nethnic idea of a Uyghur. The character of Uyghur rebellions, even ones that blatantly\ndeclare jihad, demonstrates the primacy of nationalism, the absence of\nSalafi-jihadism, and the malleability of Uyghur identity. These three evidences\nbolster the case to revisit the question of Salafi-jihadism in Xinjiang and find a\nmore complex socio-religious perspective.",
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            "abstractNote": "The summer of 2011 has been another violent one in the Xinjiang Uyghur\nAutonomous Region (XUAR). Despite the removal of hard-line party\nsecretary Wang Lequan who was seen to have seriously mishandled the\ndevastating outbreak of violence in July 2009, his replacement by the\nsupposedly reform-minded Zhang Chunxian and the pumping of vast amounts\nof central government funds into the region, the XUAR is still an area of\nmajor concern for Beijing. This paper argues that the central leadership\nfears its control over the vast, strategically and economically vital province\nslipped significantly during the last year of Wang’s leadership. It examines in\ndetail the violent events of the summer of 2009 based on interviews with eye\nwitnesses and contemporaneous accounts and argues that Xinjiang remains an\nunstable region with the potential for further serious unrest.",
            "publicationTitle": "International Journal of China Studies",
            "publisher": "",
            "place": "",
            "date": "September, 2011",
            "volume": "2",
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            "title": "Charting the Course of Uyghur Unrest",
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                    "firstName": "Justin V.",
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            "abstractNote": "What explains the course of Uyghur-related violence in Xinjiang and Central\nAsia since 1990? Using data derived from a variety of sources, I argue that\nthe locations and types of violent incidents were influenced by a combination\nof Chinese government policies and the political geography of Xinjiang.\nSpecifically, 1990 to 1996 were dominated by logistically complex incidents\nin a low-level violent campaign in Xinjiang. The Strike Hard campaign in\n1996 brought about an increase in logistically simple incidents in Xinjiang\nand some violence in Central Asia as Uyghur separatists had trouble moving\npeople, information and weapons across the well-guarded, difficult terrain of\nXinjiang’s borders. China’s rapprochement with Central Asian countries in\nthe late 1990s led after 2001 to a dramatic decrease in Uyghur-related violence\nin general, but also signalled the appearance of logistically creative attacks\nthat required little planning or materials. My findings suggest that Uyghur\nrebels will have a difficult time mounting a large-scale violent campaign as\nlong as China retains even minimal control of Xinjiang.",
            "publicationTitle": "The China Quarterly",
            "publisher": "",
            "place": "",
            "date": "December, 2011",
            "volume": "208",
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            "pages": "893-912",
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            "title": "International Response to Uyghur Separatism in Xinjiang",
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                    "firstName": "Mahesh Ranjan",
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            "abstractNote": "This paper argues that the Uyghur efforts by any means, peaceful or violent, to create a separate homeland out of China have so far achieved nothing substantial, except the internationalization of their cause - an independent state out of China - by several Uyghur organizations across the globe through propaganda, lobbying, fund raising etc. This paper delineates the response by the international community, particularly the European Union, the USA, Russia, the Muslim world, Central Asian Republics and India, to the problem of Uyghur separatism in Xinjiang.",
            "publicationTitle": "Himalayan and Central Asian Studies",
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