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NOTE PRÉPARÉE PAR MARGAUX RUELLAND

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Cohen, Joshua et Archon Fung. 2004. « Radical Democracy ». Swiss Journal of Political Science, vol. 10, no 4.

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En ligne. <http://www.archonfung.net/papers/Cohen_Fung_Debate_SPSR2004.pdf>. Consulté le 30 octobre 2014.

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Atelier de lecture :

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Intro :

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délibération et participation des gens = à la mode! Argument marketing, crowdfunding, réseau sociaux.

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=> personnellement je suis très sceptique concernant les potentialités démocratiques réelles d'un tel engouement pour la participation citoyenne.

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Cohen :

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La théorie rawlsienne de la justice est ouverte à la délibération. La justification politique des décisions se fait par un processus délibératif : une décision apparaît légitime à partir du moment où elle est issue d'un débat entre personnes raisonnables (= personnes qui discutent des propositions potentiellement acceptables par tous).

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Théorie de la délibération insiste sur la qualité démocratique de la justification publique qui donne à la décision sa légitimité. La théorie de la délibération n'insiste pas seulement sur la nécessité de procédures de décision justes, mais elle demande à ce que la décision elle-même soit formulée dans des termes qui visent l'inclusion de tous les membres rationnels de la société politique. La délibération donne ainsi à la décision une qualité démocratique intrinsèque d'impartialité.

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Cependant, la délibération ne doit pas se faire entre représentants politiques et à travers les médias, mais à travers l'institutionnalisation d'une participation à plusieurs niveaux, qui donnerait aux citoyens de meilleures opportunités d'être de vrais acteurs du politique.

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Cohen avec Charles Sabel a forgé le concept de directly-deliberative Polyarchy (DDP), qui promeut une forme délibérative de prise de décision au-delà des États (Europe).

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Fung :

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Fung est l'artisan du concept de « the empowered participative governance » (Cohen et Fung, 2003; Deepening democracy, Empowered participation). Ce design institutionnel est un mini-public qui incorpore les voix citoyennes dans la définition des agendas politique, à travers une participation délibérative directe des citoyens. L'objectif principal est d'instituer une procédure qui promeuve une réelle équité dans la législation et la prise de décision politique. Pour ce modèle participatif-délibératif, Fung a surtout en tête les budgets participatifs des municipalités brésiliennes, mais aussi les négociations et organisations entre partenaires municipaux, citoyens au niveau local (ex : Chicago Alliance for Neighborhood safety)

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Radical democracy :

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C et F identifient trois raisons pour lesquelles on a séparé délibération et participation (raisons données par Ackermann et Fishkin :

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- la participation publique peut appauvrir la qualité de la délibération (ignorance du public, intérêt personnel, sentimentalisme, etc)

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- l'ouverture à la participation citoyenne peut en réalité cacher des intentions de manipulation par les représentants (cf argument de Schumpeter)

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- la délibération requiert une attention élevée. Or tout le monde ne peut pas se concentrer sur tous les sujets politiques, donc pour une vraie délibération, il faut des petits groupes.

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Mais la théorie radicale de la démocratie de C et F montre qu'au contraire délibération et participation sont complémentaires: la qualité de la décision dépend d'une part des structures et des méthodes (délibération par exemple), et d'une autre part de la qualité du dêmos qui délibère (usagers, citoyens, etc). L'approche délibérative radicale se concentre sur les compétences pratiques des citoyens en tant qu'usagers des services publics, de l'environnement urbain, etc.

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La délibération participative directe renforce des principes fondamentaux de la démocratie comme l'autonomie, l'équité et la publicité.

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Responsabilité : déléguer la responsabilité des décisions aux représentants crée un désintérêt et une déresponsabilité des citoyens vis-vis des choses communes. La participation délibérative permet de redonner aux citoyens les capacités de jugement complexe nécessaire en ce qui concerne la chose publique : la compétence politique et les habiletés cognitive s'acquièrent à travers l'investissement personnel dans la prise de décision réelle.

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Équité : la délibération participative peut réaliser une équité politique réelle et concrète. L'inclusion des moins avantagés peut être réalisée en ouvrant d'autres moyens d'expression politique, autres que la discussion rationnelle seulement. Ainsi la participation offre plus d'opportunités aux moins favorisés de la société d'influencer les décisions en leur avantage. La représentation compétitive favorise ceux qui ont des meilleures capacités sociales et économiques. Au contraire, la participation offre plus d'égalité politique en « shifting the basis of political contestation from organized money to organized people1 ». La participation délibérative défie les inégalité d'influence politique.

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Autonomie (auto-gouvernement) : C et F argumentent pour une « délibération participative directe » qui vise à révéler les compétences que les citoyens possèdent en tant qu'usagers des services publics. Le dêmos devrait être composé de « participants with strong interests in the problems under deliberation2”, qui possèdent donc des connaissances situées de ces problèmes. À travers l'exercice de la délibération, les compétences émergeront et donneront aux citoyens un avantage certain dans la discussion par rapport aux fonctionnaires de l'État. Cela contribue à rendre les citoyens plus aptes en tant qu'agents autonomes de la décision. Par ailleurs les institutions délibératives devraient offrir aux habitants les réelles opportunités de contester et de modifier la décision finale.

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=> problèmes non résolus avec la participation délibérative ou délibération participative :

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- impensable que tous les citoyens puissent participer sur tous les sujets publics.

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- difficultés pour décider de choses qui concernent des enjeux plus généraux (santé, distribution des droits, etc)

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- nouvelles formes de domination retrouvées à l'intérieur des groupes qui délibèrent : les citoyens les plus éduqués, faisant partie de la culture dominante seront plus aptes a prendre la parole pour défendre leurs propres intérêts (pb d'équité)

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=> question laissées ouvertes :

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- lien représentation / participation : les représentants, agences publiques centralisées pourraient avoir un rôle de support des initiatives participatives.

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- peut-on étendre le domaine de la démocratie participative à des sujets plus larges?

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1Cohen     and Fung (2003), “Radical Democracy”, p. 25.

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2Cohen     and Fung (2003), “Radical Democracy”, p. 30.

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Réf par Margau Ruelland pour notre groupe de lecture lors de la première rencontre.

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Recommandé par Margaux lors de la 1re rencontre du groupe. a2014

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Texte proposé par Myriam Arbour

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CTPS / LERASS, Université Toulouse III - Paul Sabatier

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Marie-Gabrielle Suraud, maître de conférences, CTPS / LERASS, Université Toulouse III - Paul Sabatier. Ses thèmes de recherches portent sur la démocratie délibérative, sur les dispositifs de concertation concernant les risques industriels ainsi que sur la place et le rôle de l’espace public autonome dans les processus démocratiques

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Courriel : <marie-gabrielle.suraud.at.iut-tlse3.fr>

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