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宿舍做為「教育權利」的論述及其不足

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以教育的觀點來說，宿舍不只是提供”住”的功能，和學校教育有著密切的關連。因為學校教育過程不單單是知識的傳授，還包括了品德的陶養，宿舍正好是進行生活教育的場合。所以，國家級學校應該介入學生宿舍的供應，而非經由市場所提供。換言之，住宿的問題就是教育問題的延伸，提供足夠的宿舍是學校或國家的責任之一。所以，學校不重視宿舍的提供或是經費不足而導致量的不足，才是造成目前學生一連串外宿問題的根本原因。...教育觀點雖然掌握了住宿危機形成的初步輪廓，並且說明了國家及校方干預的理由。但這解釋却落入唯心論的陷阱，對於學生宿舍生產的結構環境－－大學教育政策發展過程－－缺乏考量，以致於無法探究目前畸形大學體制下淡江大學的經營特性。所以難以進一步深入研究私立大學僅院供應少量宿舍的原因。（65）

\n

 

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低學費政策以維持（技術）勞動力再生產

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假如大學的收費完全由市場所決定－－將大學當做商品來生產－－這對社會中下階層而言，可能增加勞動力再生產成本，無法進入高收費的大學市場，而阻礙就學意願，造成高等勞動力的中斷。同時，工資將隨著再生產成本的增加而提高。如此一來，台灣將喪失在國際市場的競爭力。為了維持經濟持續成長，不得不以低學費政策來減輕勞動力再生產成本。也就是國家透過政策的干預，將大學教育過程「去商品化」，納入「集體消費」的一部份。（81）

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學費管制的勞動力再生產目的

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表面上教育部對私立大學的規範，一方面是為了符合憲法所規定的”教育均等”的原則，所以訂定了齊頭式的收費標準，塑造人人皆可以進入大學的形象...但根本的原因是：透過低學費政策使私立大學「去商品化」，變成非營利性質的教育機構，以減輕一般人接受高等教育的成本，造就廉價的高等勞動力。（83）

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靠學雜費辦學的台灣私校

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雖然在美國私人捐助佔了全校預算的30%，但是國家的補助仍佔了40%以上。反觀在台灣，私人捐贈的情形和假設相去甚遠－－只佔了2.1%，在獎助而不補助的原則下，國家僅僅”獎助”了1.9%，而真正支持校方財務運作的反而是學雜費收入－－佔了91%（經建會人力規劃處，1985：124-125）

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高教「分系」、傳授謀生技能是依據勞動力再生產的需求

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從阿圖塞勞動力再生產的觀點來看，國家將教育當做台灣經濟發展中勞動力再生產的過程。大學教育的基本目的，在於改善與提供資本積累過程中勞動力品質的過程，國內各大學也就成為高等教育勞動力再生產的重要基地。既然作為勞動力的再生產，實用技術的再生產是必要的條件之一。為了使勞動力將來能夠安置在生產過程中進行勞動，大學教育體制與課程既按照目前社會上不同的技術分工、職位類別來分設各種系、所、院，以便傳授職業市場所需的知識與技術，也就是直接有用的「謀生技能」。（80）

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我：學費政策與資本主義的關係

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低學費與低成本的私校普及高教模式，的確是在台灣特殊的經濟（國際技術勞力分工、財政有限）與政治（特許以安撫地方派系）結構下促成的；然而，我對於該論文仍有不同意見之處：

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（一）學費的勞動價值理論，及其國家管制思考：學費的提高，的確會部分地影響技術工人的薪資需求，但不會完全如實反映；並且，國家思考上也並非是為了壓低工資而壓低學費，頂多是為了吸引人就學受訓以及增加政權正當性而為之…。至少我們很容易觀察到反例是：儘管技術勞動力的需求在知識經濟浪潮下持續攀升、國際的勞力價格競爭也依舊存在，但各國政府都允許其高教學費高漲；而學費高漲有無反映到工資提高？現象上已值得存疑。

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相關的理論問題是：

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(1)技術勞動力的價值是否完全包含所有再生產所需的價值？（價值）

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(2)技術勞動力的薪資是否將包含其受訓練所付出的時間與經費？（價格）

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(3)國家過去採用「低學費」，到如今採用「高學費」，但全球資本對技術勞工的需求邏輯與程度並沒有根本改變，所以其學費政策變遷的邏輯究竟為何？會不會較高的程度是在「社會正當性」、「財政狀況」、「霸權論述」下的考量，而不是單純配合「資本積累」的需求？而就是為了配合「資本積累」的需求來再生產技術勞動力，「低學費」與「高學費」政策現象上並沒有明顯影響有意接受高等教育的人數（至少在當前），所以問題是不是「高學費」下創造出來的「背債技術勞工」，將更加地馴服？一個比較普遍合理的結構觀點究竟是什麼？

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我認為，主要有兩個軸線：一個是論述上，國家相信透過學費高漲或去管制，能夠創造「高教市場化」的狀況，讓學校相互競爭以提高效率服務「學生」、以及背後真正有控制力的「產業資本」。另一個是在財政考量上這對國家有明顯利益，特別是如果能依舊獲得社會正當性的話。

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我：宿舍政策與大學性質

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私立學校缺乏公部門補助且受學費管制並沒錯，但不代表增加公部門補助或學費必然能夠增加宿舍容量或減低宿舍費用。特別在學校以「營利」為核心運作邏 輯時，除非政府進行特殊管制，否則宿舍沒有漲價到一個能夠牟利的程度前，大學仍不會投入興建宿舍。我們可以觀察：在公立大學要「自負盈虧」法人化之後，他 們的宿舍政策為何？是否提供的床位比率沒有增加？是否價格持續攀升？很可能都是惡化的。

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建議方向：將「住宿費用」納入「求學費用」，「住宿品質」納入「勞動條件」，分析高等教育及其（低成本）擴張所帶來的剝削狀況。

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如果由學生的學費來反映辦學成本，那麼公立大學每生單位成本（283,000元）約為學費（15,000元）的18.88倍，若只反映每生分攤經常性支出117,368元）的話，約為學費的7.82倍。（82）

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台灣學生人數最多的私立大學：淡江大學

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在二十二年後（1980年）校本部學生人數已由改制時（1958年）的1,410人迅速增加為16,030人。（68）

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...1991年：24,414人（或許是當時的亞洲最大？）

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我：目前（2010.9-）淡江大學學生總人數為28,786人。（來源：http://www.acad.tku.edu.tw/statistics/edustadep.htm）

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台灣高教私有化：低成本的私校普及策略

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在1961年時，公立學生人數是私立大學的2.44倍；但在1968年之後，私立大學就大幅增加，到1988年私立大學的學生人數反而是公立大學的1.53倍。（83）

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大幅招收學生卻沒有增加任何宿舍床位、導致外宿大增：淡江大學1979-1987

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...大幅地增加教室當然是為了吸納幾乎增加一倍的校本部學生；從1979年低於9750人到1987年接近19000人（《淡江青年》，1991: 61）。相對地，校內宿舍却未曾增加一張床位。（73）...住宿的不足將上對品質的不滿，致使校外住宿人數由1986年的5315人，一下跳增為1989年的12542人。（75）

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註：1987年僅有宿舍2960床位；學校外圍住宿 6347人

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1989年僅有宿舍3050床位；學校外圍住宿12542人

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