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            "note": "Originally published as: The American Civil War : explorations and reconsiderations. New York : Longman, 2000",
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            "note": "<p>Introduction / Alice Fahs and Joan Waugh -- Ulysses S. Grant, historian / Joan Waugh -- Shaping public memory of the Civil War : Robert E. Lee, Jubal A. Early, and Douglas Southall Freeman / Gary W. Gallagher -- Long-legged Yankee lies : the Southern textbook crusade / James M. McPherson -- Remembering the Civil War in children's literature of the 1880s and 1890s / Alice Fahs -- Decoration days : the origins of Memorial Day in North and South / David W. Blight -- The monumental legacy of Calhoun / Thomas J. Brown -- Is the war ended? : Anna Dickinson and the election of 1872 / J. Matthew Gallman -- The election of 1896 and the restructuring of Civil War memory / Patrick J. Kelly -- You can't change history by moving a rock : gender, race, and the cultural politics of Confederate memorialization / LeeAnn Whites -- War, cold war, civil rights : the Civil War Centennial in context, 1960-1965 / Jon Wiener -- Epilogue : the geography of memory / Stuart McConnell</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"As a Northern ritual of commemoration, Memorial Day officially took hold in May 1868 and 1869, when General John A. Logan, commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the Republic, called on all Union veterans to conduct ceremonies and decorate the graves of their dead comrades.&nbsp; In general orders issued each of the two springs, Logan called for a national commemoration unlike anything in American experience save possibly the Fourth of July. (99)\"</p>\n<p>\"On May 30, 1868, at a time of year when flowers were plentiful, in 183 cemeteries in 27 states funeral ceremonies were attended by thousands of people.&nbsp; The following year some 336 cities and towns in 31 states arranged Decoration Day parades and orations.&nbsp; The observance grew manifold with time.&nbsp; In 1873 the New York legislature designated May 30 a legal holiday, and by 1890 every other Northern state had followed its lead. (99-100)\"</p>\n<p>\"In most communities, women carried the primary responsibility of mobilizing people, including huge turnouts of school children, and gathering flowers for Decoration Day ceremonies.&nbsp; The Northern Women's Relief Corps (WRC), which evolved out of this memorial work in the 1860s and 1870s, claimed a membership of one hundred thousand by 1890, only seven years after its founding.&nbsp; The group's persistence kept Memorial Day focused on sorrow and loss in many communities into the late nineteenth century, when the holiday also became the occasion of amusement and sport.&nbsp; With time the WRC attracted women of varying persuasions - suffragists, antisuffragists, those who saw their roles as essentially moral and religious, and those who were political activists - but all, by and large, found unity in their duties as guardians of the memory of the Union dead. (100)\"</p>\n<p>\"Memorial Day became a legitimizing ritual of the new American nationalism forged out of the war. (101)\"</p>\n<p>\"The tradition of Memorial Day picnics began on these battlefields, not yet preserved as national parks, and in the ever-expanding rural cemeteries. (101)\"</p>\n<p>\"Americans now had their Homeric tales of great war to tell. (102)\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"Americans carried flowers to graves or to makeshift monuments representing their dead, and so was born the ritual of 'Decoration Day,' known eventually as Memorial Day. (94)\"</p>\n<p>\"In most places the ritual was initially a spiritual practice.&nbsp; But soon remembering the dead, and what they died for, developed partisan fault lines.&nbsp; The evolution of Memorial Day during its first twenty years or so became a contest between three divergent, and sometimes overlapping groups: blacks and their white abolitionist allies, white Northerners, and white Southerners.&nbsp; With time, in the North the war's two primary results - black freedom and the preservation of the Union&nbsp; - were rarely accorded equal space. (94-95)\"</p>\n<p>\"Decoration Day, and the ways in which it was observed, shaped Civil War memory as much as any other cultural ritual did. (95)\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"The themes that pervaded efforts at sustaining the soldiers (and, to a lesser extent, the freed slaves) contrasted sharply with those of an earlier age: nationalism, discipline, centralization, and, above all, efficiency became the watchwords of a new benevolence. (133)\"</p>\n<p>\"In contrast to the workers in previous benevolent organizations, the new generation displayed an elaborate concern for the details of organizational structure.&nbsp; Also unlike their antebellum counterparts, the leaders of the Sanitary Commission extolled a language of wartime discipline that for them defined the essential nature of the war experience.&nbsp; It was a change that wrought a profound intellectual transformation in women's reform, and one that eventually challenged the most fundamental tenets of benevolent femininity. (135)\"</p>\n<p>\"The war forced the business of benevolence into the open by stripping away - albeit temporarily - the rhetoric which concealed the essential nature of that work.&nbsp; This wartime visibility provoked the first public debates about paying benevolent agents and centralized relief, issues that previous generations had taken for granted.(135)\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"The significance of the Civil War for Northern women lay more in heightening trend that had been apparent in the 1850s than in opening wholly new horizons.&nbsp; The work of abolitionists provides one example....Whether as agitators for wartime policies or as teachers of ex-slaves, they experienced the war as the climax of decades of work to eradicate the sin of slavery - work finally to be undertaken by political and military means.&nbsp; By the postwar period, having largely discarded the language of moral change, they would no longer identify themselves as workers for a benevolent cause. (136)\"</p>\n<p>\"The W.C.A.R. (and the other organizations that would eventually become regional branches of the Sanitary Commission) differed dramatically from older benevolent societies in the vastness of its scale, the scope of its distribution of war resources, and its leaders' almost obsessive concern with organizational matters.(141)\"</p>\n<p>\"It was in wartime nursing that the women and men who ran the United States Sanitary Commission and its branches found the opportunity to repudiate older notions of female benevolence most explicitly.&nbsp; The approximately thirty-two hundred women nurses received the most public attention during and after the war, both praise for their 'pure' benevolence and contempt for their 'sentimental' care.&nbsp; Although the Civil War truly elevated nurses' status in the form of pay and government authorization, nurses came to epitomize the tension between the traditional emphasis on sentiment and womanly feeling on the one hand and the new values of scientific care on the other.&nbsp; The actual experiences of Civil War nurses resembled those of the women who worked among the freedpeople; both confronted military intransigence to their work, miserable living conditions, and, if not appointed as government agents, disputes over their prerogatives as respresentatives of private benevolence.&nbsp; Yet nurses also encountered the leaders of Civil War relief work, women and men who claimed for themselves the mandate to discipline wartime benevolence and who subjected nurses to the tangled skeins of the ideology of benevolent femininity. (143-144)\"&nbsp; &nbsp;</p>",
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            "note": "<p>Introduction: Colliding and Collaborating: Gender and Civil War Scholarship Nina Silber</p>\n<p>\"But, even if only occasionally, subtle hints emerge documenting a different kind of Civil War experience: new articles on women who cross-dressed as men and fought like soldiers; an occasional book exploring the exploits of a Civil War heroine; even a Hollywood film that devotes considerable screen time to the trials of women trying to survive on the homefront.(3)\"</p>\n<p>\"We can now read more carefully about the problems and contributions of a diverse corps of female nurses, the work done by women spies and soldiers in advancing the war's agenda, and the way that women writers crafted their own critical interpretations of wartime events. (3)\"</p>\n<p>\"As our original volume made clear, and as this new collection continues to emphasize, the recent scholarly trend has looked not just at the experiences of women but also at the larger issue of gender.&nbsp; This perspective places the focus on the cultural and ideological systems that have shaped the behavior and activities of both men and women, and the interaction between the Civil War and that larger cultural framework about sex roles. (4)\"</p>\n<p>\"Certainly these essays, as well as the new literature more generally, are interested in documenting men's and women's distinct experiences; but those experiences are put in the context of the ideas and expectations about sex roles and how those roles were sanctioned in American society.&nbsp; In other words, we look at how gender has been a cultural construction in American history and how that construction influenced the social, political, and even military landscape during the Civil War years.&nbsp; (4)\"</p>\n<p>\"To a great extent, the study of gender and the Civil War represented a kind of collision between three different subdisciplines in the historical profession: traditional Civil War scholarship, the development of women's history, and a new emphasis on social and cultural history that dominated the historical profession toward the end of the twentieth century. (4)\"</p>\n<p>Mary Massey 1966 Bonnet Brigade: American Women and the Civil War</p>\n<p>\"By the 1980s, a number of scholars had begun&nbsp; to do just that, an impulse that as captured, in part, by the essays that appeared in the original Divided Houses, and by subsequent work that was spawned by that volume.&nbsp; Some of that work has continued to pursue the methods of social historians by looking at specific groups of women (and men) and considering how their experiences intersected with the disruptions of wartime.&nbsp; Other scholars, including many whose work appears in this volume, have pushed their work into the realm of cultural history, raising questions about how notions of gender - as a cultural ideal - have been redefined in the course of the sectional&nbsp; conflict. (7)\"</p>\n<p>\"Most historians have assumed that notions and practices associated with gender have differed considerably in the Southern states, where slavery was a dominant factor in daily life, and the Northern states, where it was not....In fact, perhaps the drama and trauma of Southern women's wartime experience has also been one reason why more studies have focused on women of the South than on their Yankee sisters. (7)\"</p>\n<p>\"Although less of the new gender history has focused on the Civil War North, similar questions and problems have shaped the scholarship in this field.&nbsp; Thus, historians studying the women of the North, like their counterparts studying the South, also confront the question of how the war affected women's status, of just how much the war served to liberate women from prewar restrictions.&nbsp; Even more, with an eye toward Northern women's growing determination to fight for female sufferage, some see evidence of Yankee women's emerging political activism in the Civil War era. (12)\"</p>\n<p>\"Female nurses, for example , who found themselves doing grueling labor in wartime hospitals, on hospital transport boats, and sometimes on the fields of battle, learned important lessons in selfassertion and professionalism. (12)\"</p>\n<p>\"Although the 'crisis of gender' that affected the Civil War North has received less attention than that in the South, authors in this present collections do point to significant tensions in the Yankee states with respect to gender during the prewar and wartime years.&nbsp; (13)\"&nbsp;</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"The lessons women learned during the Civil War, she suggests, established 'the groundwork for the sweeping reform efforts and the emergence of mass women's politics that characterized the rest of the nineteenth and most of the twentieth century. (276)\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>One and inseparable. The state of the Union, 1776-1860 / Donald Ratcliffe -- And the war came-- . Southern secession in 1860-1861 / Bruce Collins -- The first of the modern wars? / Joseph G. Dawson III -- The experience of the Civil War : men at arms / Andrew Haughton -- Command and leadership in the Civil War, 1861-1865 / Brian Holden Reid -- Abraham Lincoln, the presidency, and the mobilization of Union sentiment / Richard Carwardine -- Jefferson Davis and the Confederacy / Martin Crawford -- Capitalism and the Civil War / John Ashworth -- Emancipation : race and gender in the Civil War. Fighting for freedom : African-American soldiers in the Civil War / Susan-Mary Grant -- The fight for black suffrage in the War of the Rebellion / Robert Cook -- \"What did we go to war for?\" Confederate emancipation and its meaning / Bruce Levine -- Slavery and emancipation : the African-American experience during the Civil War / David Turley -- \"To bind up the nation's wounds\" : women and the American Civil War / Susan-Mary Grant -- Legacy. From union to nation? The Civil War and the development of American nationalism / Susan-Mary Grant -- Individual rights and constitutional powers : the impact of the Civil War / Pat Lucie</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"Many women during and after the war chose, in their writings, to emphasize the positive aspects of their interactions with the male medical staff of the hospitals and to balance their criticisms with words of praise. (30)\"</p>\n<p>\"Some women stressed points of cooperation and mutual respect among the men and the women and glossed over points of conflict. (30)\"</p>\n<p>\"Female nurses' pension files in the National Archives contain many letters from surgeons in support of the women's pension applications, praising them for work well done.&nbsp; In 1894, for example, former surgeon T.B. Hood wrote in support of nurse Harriet Sharpless's pension request that the 'service rendered by Miss Sharpless was faithful and capable and efficient in the highest degree - if devotion to the sick and wounded during the late war could entitle any one to consideration, Miss Sharpless is entitled.'&nbsp; Men with lingering hostility toward women nurses would not have written such letters, designed as they were to help the former nurses gain benefits from the federal government, which explicitly acknowledged their military service. (32)\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"By placing emphasis on the importance of the women nurses' youth and beauty, male medical personnel focused attention not on the grueling work that middle-class women as a group continued to prove themselves capable of performing, but rather on individual women's transitory physical attributes, and thus implied the impermanence of individual women's usefulness as medical assistants and helped to undermine the credibility of nursing as a postwar profession for women. (23)\"</p>\n<p>Many nurses wouldn't have been able to serve without receiving some compensation. (24)</p>\n<p>\"Apparently, Newcomb (Mary) believed it improper for decent women to take money for work that was rightfully and morally theirs to perform, and indeed she never directly drew wages herself.&nbsp; However, it is worth noting that in her later life even Newcomb gladly accepted a government pension on the basis of having been a Civil War nurse.&nbsp; Moreover, her pension file indicates that after the early-1862 death of her husband, Hiram A.W. Newcomb, a sergeant with the Eleventh Illinios, she began to draw his $8.00 per month pension, which certainly helped to subsidize her 'voluntary' service. (26)\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"The Woman's Relief Corps (again, the name speaks volumes) might offer aid and comfort, but its officers always struck a deferential tone when addressing the veterans.&nbsp; AS its president, KAte B. Sherwood, told the national encampment in a typical speech of 1884, the WRC was 'organized for work, and because the GRand Army called for us.&nbsp; We are equally ready to disband and go home whenever the Grand Army are through with us.'&nbsp; Perhaps the most apt metaphor for the women's spectator status came from the California WRC in 1893.&nbsp; Declining an invitation to join the Grand Army men on parade, the women declared that they would rather remain as they had been at the victory parades of 1865m when they had 'stood on the sidewalks and cheered their fathers, brothers, sons and lovers.'&nbsp; In the static world of the GAR, men marched while women cheered. (219)\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"Yet, increasingly, the focus on loyalty pushed the WRC away from the sphere of Civil War remembrance altogether.&nbsp; Perhaps because they had not limited their membership solely to the relatives of Union veterans, the WRC had opened its ranks to a wider group of women who, while they might define themselves as 'loyal,' did not feel the need to ground that loyalty solely in the Civil War past.&nbsp; <span style=\"background-color: #ffff99;\">In any event, the organization over time showed less interest in affirming the Unionist position and more with disseminating a patriotic commitment to the United States among a growing population - in the northern states especially - of foreigners and immigrants...In this way, the WRC carved itself a new niche in Gilded Age America: to teach and inculcate 'patriotic' values among children and immigrants by distributing flags, sponsoring essay contests, and promoting a recently composed 'pledge of allegiance' to the U.S. flag.&nbsp; By the 1890s, many in the WRC would have concluded that the more pressing danger that lay ahead in the fight for patriotism came not from Lost Causes but from immigrants who knew little about American history and American traditions.&nbsp;</span> In early twentieth century, the Woman's Relief Corps would join forces with other patriotic women - in groups like the Daughters of the American Revolution - sounding the alarm against anarchism, bolshevism, and trade unionism. (93-94)\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"Phelps (Elizabeth Stuart Phelps) reflected critically on Union women's marginalized status, but the Woman's Relief Corps seemed to accept the tradition that kept women to the side.&nbsp; Yet, in other ways, the WRC embraced a more robust notion of women's political expressiveness, specifically in claiming the Unionist legacy of female patriotism and the notion that all individuals, women as well as men, must take responsibility for their own political positions.&nbsp; During wartime, this had translated into an insistence, on women's part, to ground their patriotism in a political and ideological defense of the Union, not simply on unswerving support for male kin.&nbsp; It had also translated into an insistence that Confederate women pay the price for their own treason and take responsibility for their own declerations of loyalty, or really disloyalty. (89)... In the postwar era, the Woman's Relief Corps drew on this legacy of female patriotism in defining its membership criteria.&nbsp; Unlike its smaller rival organization - the Ladies of the Grand Army of the Republic - the WRC insisted that any 'loyal woman' could join their society, not just those who were related to Union soldiers or GAR veterans.&nbsp; In this way, the WRC broke with an older conception of female patriotism and instead judged women as loyal, or not, on the basis of their own actions and viewpoints...Women, they argues, demonstrated their loyalty not by marriage but by individual allegiance.&nbsp; This included army nurses, most of whom 'had no tie of blood in husband, son father or brother' and acted only out of 'the divine instinct of humanity and their undying loyalty to principle and country.'&nbsp; This even included women married to, or related to, Confederates.\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"As such, they may have been relatively unaware of the needs of those less economically privileged, or had suspicions about how pressing their needs really were.&nbsp; The WRC had, in contrast, a more economically diverse membership and, no doubt, came in closer contact with less privileged members of their communities.&nbsp; Finally, Union women may have felt that monument-building was less pressing than other tasks precisely because they lived in a culture and society that did not challenge the cause for which they and their men had fought or inflict restrictions on their celebratory rituals.&nbsp; (87)\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"...perhaps because northern veterans had learned to train their sights on pensions, northern women may have also had a heightened awareness of suffering among those who either did not receive adequate pensions or did not qualify to receive them.&nbsp; (In fact, before 1890, only widows of soldiers who had died from service-related wounds or diseases were eligible for pensions.)&nbsp; Thus, the WRC, no doubt encouraged by the GAR, may have identified one of their primary responsibilities as filling in the gaps where the pension system did not go.&nbsp; Along these lines, it is noteworthy that the WRC vigorously campaigned, ultimately with some limited success, for federal pensions for U.S. Army nurses.&nbsp; The campaign did, in fact, require WRC women to recall and highlight female nurses' wartime contributions, but ultimately they aimed not so much at memorializating Union nurses-in the form of tributes or monuments-but at winning them monetary compensation.(87)\"&nbsp;</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"The Sabbath schools were nearly all represented, and the little folk were there, attended by their teachers.&nbsp; The members of the various societies were there, with the citizens coming afoot and in carriages.&nbsp; The excellent military band, the profusion of flags and banners, and the lavish display of flowers and evergreens combined to make a very colorful procession. (167)\"</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>",
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