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            "title": "Poverty in Transition: An Ethnographic Critique of Household Surveys in Post‐Soviet Central Asia",
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            "abstractNote": "Post‐Soviet transitions have prompted a search for new policy tools and methods of data collection. The shift from universal welfare provision under the Soviet system to targeted assistance and poverty monitoring has stimulated a new interest in the measurement of living standards and poverty lines. This has promoted the use of quantitative techniques and sample surveys (household surveys, in particular) as privileged tools for the collection of policy‐relevant information. This paper contends that survey techniques have particular limitations as research tools in an environment where local level case studies are scarce and where a host of new socio‐economic processes are creating fundamental shifts in the landscape of social provision, redistribution and employment. These limitations are illustrated by drawing upon a household survey conducted by the author in four villages from two regions in Uzbekistan, Andijan and Kashkadarya, between October 1997 and August 1998. The ambiguities surrounding five basic concepts, those of\n              household, employment, access to land, income\n              and\n              expenditure\n              are discussed in detail, as are the changes in their contents and meanings in the context of transition. The gender differentiated outcomes of current changes and their possible implications are highlighted throughout the text. The conclusion suggests that Uzbekistan finds itself at an uneasy juncture where the policies deployed to ‘cushion’ the social costs of transition may reach the limits of their sustainability. A more contextually sensitive approach to the mechanisms that generate new forms of vulnerability and the use of qualitative and longitudinal methodologies are essential to an adequate monitoring of further changes.",
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            "abstractNote": "This book explains and evaluates today’s economic, political, social and ecological crises through the lens of rentier capitalism and countermovements in Central Asia. Over the last three decades the rich and powerful have increased their wealth and political power to the detriment of social and environmental well-being. But their activities have not gone unchecked. Grassroots activism has resisted the harmful and damaging effects of the neoliberal commodification of things. Providing a much-needed theorisation of the moral economy and politics of rent, this book offers in-depth case studies on finance, real estate and natural resources in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. The authors show the mechanisms of rent extraction, their moral justifications and legitimacy, and social struggles against them. This book highlights the importance of class relations, state-countermovement interactions and global capitalism in understanding social and economic dynamics in Central Asia. It will be relevant to students and researchers interested in political economy, development studies, sociology, politics and international relations.",
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            "abstractNote": "Что остается неизвестным в истории Гражданской войны в Таджикистане? Почему дискурс о центральных субсидиях в советскую Центральную Азию можно оспорить? Откуда происходит мобильность таджиков и как делались карьеры в советское…",
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            "abstractNote": "This dissertation reevaluates the collapse of the USSR and the reform project of “perestroika” that preceded it from the perspective of Tajikistan.  As one of the most peripheral republics in the Soviet Union, Tajikistan found its economy and society shaken to the core by the economic and political reforms passed between 1985 and 1991. Tracking the development of Soviet reform legislation in Moscow and its implementation in Tajikistan, this dissertation shows how perestroika was intimately linked to the breakdown of economic order and social ties that occurred during the final years of the USSR. Rejecting narratives focused on rising nationalism and long-suppressed regional frustrations, this dissertation outlines how Moscow-designed marketizing reforms were the main driver of strife in the Tajik SSR. As the economy disintegrated, so did the fabric of society: by February 1990 Tajikistan’s capital was subsumed by riot, and by May 1992 the entire country was aflame with civil war. \nBy reorienting the history of the Soviet collapse to a peripheral republic that was engulfed by economic disorder and sectarian war, moreover, this dissertation problematizes the established historical discourse about the end of the USSR. Rather than the wave of democratization and free speech seen from the perspective of Moscow and Eastern Europe, for many millions of Soviet citizens the collapse of the USSR was a deeply frightening and violent event. Crime rates rose across the former USSR; local conflicts sprung up; wars flared in more than one republic. Much more than an outlier, Tajikistan was simply one extreme along this spectrum, and its experience of economic collapse leading to civil war complicates simple arguments about how glasnost led to the peaceful end of the USSR.  This dissertation demonstrates that economics remained at the heart of the Soviet collapse and the violence that followed.",
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            "title": "Tajikistan: From Reconciliation to Post-Reconciliation",
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            "abstractNote": "Like the other former Soviet countries profiled in this edited volume, Tajikistan experienced the challenges of state-building following an independence that was thrust upon the region’s leaders in 1991. Rather than transitioning towards democracy as Kyrgyzstan did, Tajikistan, like the other states in the region, with the exception of Kyrgyzstan, has become increasingly authoritarian, with informal, factional politics remaining central to the perseverance of authoritarian rule.",
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            "abstractNote": "Transitions towards democratic systems only begin and develop successfully if there is pressure from the population to drive them, because obviously the elites will never give up part of their powers or privileges for the sake of democracy. In Central Asia these mobilizations have generally been very weak, so the processes of accumulation of power in a few elites have been very powerful, building highly concentrated regimes of power, and political systems have acquired a neopatrimonial authoritarian character based on very few people who have managed to become powerful. The configuration of the new systems was the product of competition for power between a very limited number of elites who were not accountable to the population and its demands. In this introductory chapter we analyse these processes from the perspective of the Sociology of Power and Neopatrimonialism.",
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            "abstractNote": "This chapter is focused on analysing the processes and elements that have shaped the particular neopatrimonial and authoritarian nature of the Uzbek state, from its origins and early consolidation under Karimov to the transformations during Mirziyoyev’s presidency. These factors have predominantly developed in the domestic sphere, due to the high degree of autonomy from outside influence of Uzbek authorities and elite networks, compared to other Central Asian cases, such as Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan or Turkmenistan. This tendency may vary in the future, if the development strategy of “openness” started by President Mirziyoyev is finally consolidated.",
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            "abstractNote": "In 2019, Kazakhstan’s president Nursultan Nazarbayev surprised the world by voluntarily stepping down after almost thirty years in power to leave space for “a new generation of leaders.” Kazakhstan has become the success story of post-communist development in the region. Investors, domestic elites, and foreign leaders have been praising the stability of Nazarbayev’s neopatrimonial regime. Nazarbayev, however, is the first Central Asian leader who chose to step down from the presidency through a political tandem with the chairman of the Senate and second in line for the presidency, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. Despite the fact that Tokayev finds himself in a secondary role in Kazakhstan’s political system, he has taken some steps toward changing his image and has shown some controversial signs of liberalization. This chapter discusses the turbulent relationship between political elites and the opposition in Kazakhstan, following the analytical model of the Sociology of Power. It first presents the elites that control Kazakhstan, the competition that these elites face from abroad, and the most significant groups and leaders that can mobilize popular discontent. The focus then turns on the strategies that Kazakh elites used to maintain power and the prospects of Kazakhstan’s transition.",
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            "abstractNote": "Turkmenistan belongs to the countries where the democratisation (Huntington in The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Oklahoma University Press, Oklahoma, 1991) and transition have led to the conservation of a Soviet system (McFaul in World Politics, 54: 212–244, 2002). The case of Turkmenistan showed that the discourse of transitology (popular in the 1990s and 2000s) could move in the reverse direction, i.e. towards a more authoritarian government (Carothers in Journal of Democracy, 13: 5–21, 2002).",
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            "abstractNote": "Three decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union, many questions still arise in the area. These questions affect not only the functioning and the future of the newly emerged independent republics, but even their own identity. The struggle between, on one hand, the cohesion of national states and, on the other hand, a strong identification with the Russian history and culture and the shared bonds, leads often to political clashes and social and cultural confusion. In this scenario, especially visible in Central Asia, the local elites have a strong influence. And Russia, as the regional leader and the center of that common historical space, keeps being the main reference in the area.",
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            "abstractNote": "Since independence, the ruling elite in Kyrgyzstan changed abruptly and almost violently three times: in the early 1990s, in 2005, and in 2010 (While today’s President of Kyrgyzstan, Sooronbai Jeenbekov was elected peacefully after the end of the term of President Atambayev, who was the first one to give up his power democratically, this article focuses on the regime change by violent action, i.e., revolution, coup d’etat, state disintegration, etc., as these changes had a tremendous impact on the state and society relations and the transformation of the state as such.). These events correspond to three changes of political power in the country, that is the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the coup d’état in 2005 that displaced President Askar Akayev, and the coup d’état in 2010 resulting in the displacement of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev.",
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            "abstractNote": "This chapter will outline the problems and challenges associated with social research in Central Asia in general and in Uzbekistan in particular. This chapter will first introduce the types of public polls conducted in CA, classifying them into the various areas they target and the aims of the studies conducted. In the second part, it will provide an account of the public opinion polling efforts in Central Asia initiated in Japan, citing several projects conducted and outlining their differences compared with the polling conducted in CA. This part will analyze not only ongoing or completed projects, such as the AsiaBarometer, but also those in which the CA direction is in the initial stage of exploration, as exemplified by the Special Project for the Study of Civil Society. This will not only serve as a source of information but will also offer specific examples of challenges faced by the scholars involved in this type of research. The third part will highlight the challenges that scholars are normally faced with when attempting to poll CA societies. An outline of these challenges is divided into the following two groups: conceptual and logistical. After providing an account of these challenges, the final part of this chapter will conclude by summarizing the main ideas and offering potential areas for further public opinion polling in CA. This chapter will also explain the methodology behind data collected on civil society organizations in Uzbekistan. The survey itself has been conducted between 2006 and 2007 in regard to two separate types of organizations: (1) neighborhood organizations and (2) nonprofit organizations (including NGOs). These surveys are parts of a larger project called the Cross-national Survey on Civil Society Organisations and Interests Groups operated by the University of Tsukuba. Along with Uzbekistan, similar surveys were conducted in 14 other countries: Bangladesh, Brazil, China, Estonia, Germany, India, Japan, the Philippines, Poland, Russia, South Korea, Thailand, Turkey, and the U.S. The generic name of the survey is the Japan Interest Group Study (JIGS).Thus, this chapter explains the data samples, the population from which these samples are selected, the related features and a few limitations of the JIGS survey in Uzbekistan. This chapter goes beyond explaining the methodology for data collection to elaborate on the need for an empirical baseline analysis of social capital in non-democratic settings.",
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