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            "title": "Home care organizing in California",
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            "abstractNote": "Maura Kealey, the legislative strategist for the state council of SEIU, had worked for SEIU in San Francisco where, according to Kealey, \"in the 1980s, one dodge after another was waged against full collective bargaining with city unions by local officials. In addition to creating separate districts to serve as employers, city officials also maintained that a `dual employer status' existed in which the Board of Supervisors and the Department Appointing Authority each exercised certain employer functions\" (Kealey 2003). This meant that the board, with which unions collectively bargained, could not enter into contracts covering many working condition issues. Kealey reasoned that if the \"opposition\" could create a special district to serve as an employer, then a special district--a public authority--could serve as the employer of record for a county's home care workers (Kealey interview 2002). Furthermore, the legislation that created the public authority could also solve the problem of how to preserve the state, county, and consumer roles in the IHSS program by setting up a \"multi-employer status.\" However, with a Republican in the governor's office and no backing from the disability rights community, passage of a law giving counties the option to establish public authorities was unlikely. But there were two developments that helped SEIU obtain the support of the governor and the cooperation of advocates for home care recipients-a budget crisis and an aggressive campaign by National Homecare Systems, the largest home care contractor in California, to promote \"capitated\" managed care. [David Rolf] went into high gear (1) to make sure that the study did not see the light of day, and if that failed, (2) to put a spin on the study that made it appear supportive of the union's role (ibid.). Rolf began by seeking assistance from the directors of key social service agencies, but he immediately ran into difficulty. Lynn Bayer, the director of the Department of Community and Senior Services, wanted her department rather than DPSS to be responsible for the administration of home care. According to Rolf, a former union official on Bayer's staff \"to overly compensate for his union background told Bayer that to accomplish her goal she had to distance herself from the union\" (ibid.). Heeding this advice, Bayer held a conference on home care and invited all parties involved in home care except the union (although the union attended anyway). But according to Rolf, something unexpected happened--Gloria Molina, a member of the board of supervisors, disliked DPSS director Eddie Tanaka and decided to pressure him to retire over his lack of creativity in dealing with welfare reform (ibid.). Once Tanaka was gone, Bayer switched departments and became the new director of DPSS. Now that Bayer was in charge of home care, she \"did not want to see the program trashed\" (ibid.). She met with Rolf at her home, where she expressed concern about the cost of improving the quality of home care and establishing a public authority. Rolf convinced Bayer that he had \"no intention to break the bank,\" and then Rolf and Bayer formed an alliance. Their first endeavor was to discredit the RTZ draft report by claiming that the report had no input from stakeholders, that the samples the company used were bad--they questioned just about the whole process (ibid.). Next, a union-friendly report, \"Now or Never: Ensuring Reform to the In-Home Supportive Services Program in Los Angeles County,\" was prepared by Keesler and Associates. It cited the preliminary findings of the study conducted by RTZ Associates but concluded that since the RTZ study endorsed the creation of a public authority, it also endorsed unionization. To further combat the idea that it was feasible to set up only \"half\" a public authority, County Supervisor Zev Yaroslavsky sent a letter to State Controller [Kathleen Connell] asking if it was possible to use allocated monies to fund \"half\" an authority that would not serve as the employer of record. The controller obligingly responded that any entity established would automatically be deemed the employer of record.",
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            "abstractNote": "INTRODUCTION This article will address a new pattern of worker representation that makes up one component of the emerging structure of low-wage, contingent work. This pattern, which has not previously been noted, is one in which low-wage service workers are represented by a tetralogy of interacting institutions: unions, government, legal advocacy groups, and ethnic groups. While some contributions to this Symposium employ a broader definition of the new workforce, I will confine my remarks to low-wage service jobs - the only kind of job to grow numerically in the United States during the past decade or more. 1 While such jobs are sometimes referred to as \"post-Taylorist,\" this seems a mistake to me. On the contrary, their growth has been fueled by the discovery that service jobs may be as minutely subdivided and monitored as industrial jobs, thus permitting employers to fill them with contingent workers who will shortly move on to other jobs. Consider, for example, the maid service for which Barbara Ehrenreich worked briefly, in which maids are required to carry four rags, one placed in each of four pockets of their uniforms. This is classic Taylorist work organization. Ehrenreich shows that the methods of this company did not ensure particularly clean houses and, in fact, were quite ineffective at eliminating bacteria. However, this kind of minute work definition permits a company to control its existing workforce by eliminating any discretion in the worker and thus easily integrate a constant stream of new workers. 2",
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            "abstractNote": "Introduction In the mid-1990s, Francisco Hernandez Juarez, head of the Mexican telephone workers' union, proposed the establishment of \"an International Union for Migrant Workers.\" 1 This idea never came to fruition, but the recent success of three unions in organizing groups of agricultural guestworkers 2 again raises the question of how unions might best represent workers who cross borders for employment. Agricultural guestworkers are temporary employees hired in their home country who travel to the host country to work for a limited period of time. Under U.S. and Canadian immigration laws, agricultural guestworkers are intended to fill positions when a shortage of domestic workers exists. 3 Each country's guestworker program includes provisions that make guestworkers more expensive to hire than workers already in the host country; the goal is to ensure that domestic workers and labor standards are not undermined. Unions generally have not seen guestworkers as either desirable or feasible groups for organizing. 4 In fact, unions often opposed guestworker programs, arguing that employers facing a shortage should improve wages and working conditions to attract domestic workers rather than import others. 5 In addition to being undesirable, guestworkers have been seen as largely \"unorganizeable\" because they are hyper-contingent workers - inherently temporary, dependent on employers for jobs and immigration authorization, and often isolated because of geography or language. 6 The view that guestworkers are impossible to organize has changed, at least among agricultural worker unions. In the United States, the Farm Labor Organizing Committee (\"FLOC\") won union ...",
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