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courses Security, Territory, Population and The Birth of Biopolitics between life, nature and political economy. It explores the ways in which liberalism constructs a notion of economic nature as a phenomenon of circulation of aleatory series of events and poses the latter as an internal limit to sovereign power. It argues that the entwinement of vital and economic processes provides the means of internal redefinition of the raison d'Etat and uses such an explanation to understand the emergence of the network topos as a technology of regulation of the unstable co-causality of milieus of circulation. The article also follows Foucault's argument that the neoliberal market is significantly different from the liberal market inasmuch as, unlike the latter, it is not defined as an abstract logic of exchange among equals but as an ideal logic of competition between formal inequalities. Finally it asks whether new theories of social production and sympathetic cooperation, in the work of authors such as Yochai Benkler and Maurizio Lazzarato, can offer an alternative to the neoliberal logic of market-based competition as the basis for the production of new forms of life.", "publicationTitle": "Theory Culture Society", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "November 1, 2009", "volume": "26", "issue": "6", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "234-262", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1177/0263276409352193", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://tcs.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/26/6/234", "accessDate": "2009-12-21T03:27:18Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "Another Life", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "HighWire", "callNumber": "0000", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "/unread", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [ "CRSW7SGM" 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"dateAdded": "2010-10-19T09:10:13Z", "dateModified": "2023-11-13T03:42:15Z" } }, { "key": "3KMI2CU7", "version": 8574, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 29110, "name": "postplural anthropology", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/postplural_anthropology", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/29110/items/3KMI2CU7", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/postplural_anthropology/items/3KMI2CU7", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 57469, "username": "konyvmoly", "name": "", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/konyvmoly", "type": "text/html" } } }, "lastModifiedByUser": { "id": 3549878, "username": "vezione", "name": "Tim V.", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/vezione", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "杉本", "parsedDate": "2003-09-30", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "3KMI2CU7", "version": 8574, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "比較の不幸(<特集>人類学の方法としての比較の再検討)", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "良男", "lastName": "杉本" } ], "abstractNote": "人類学において「比較」の方法は時代おくれのものとみなされ、また現地調査そのものも批判の対象になっている。そのような批判に過剰反応して、人類学の一部は、調査、民族誌記述比較など、従来の学問の中心的な営みとされてきた部分をそぎおとし、自己・主体に閉塞する私小説的な相貌を帯びてきている。ラドクリフ=ブラウンやマードックらによる科学主義的な比較研究は、みずからか神の視点に立つ普遍主義的前提にもとづいていたが、レヴィ=ストロース、デュモンらによる遠隔の比較には、西欧中心主義を相対化する視点が含まれていた。デュモンのいう宿命としての比較に対して、非西欧世界の人類学者にはさらに、比較の前提となる単一性、普遍性が外から与えられてきたという点で、大きく異なっている。人類の普遍性、人間の単一性とはキリスト教世界が浸透させてきた神話の意味があるが、このような普遍神話、単一神話は、非西欧世界のエリートによって受容され、定着させられてきた歴史もある。このような限界を意識した、いわば物象化された普遍性を前提とした比較の試みは、西欧中心主義を批判するとともに、人類学のあたらしい可能性をも示唆している。\n\t\t\t\tThe goal of this paper is to examine the use of \"comparison\" in contemporary anthropology by analyzing the main features of comparative studies by mid-twentieth-century American anthropologists, which have been considered as old-fashioned since the recent decline of the classic anthropological paradigm that culture does exist and should be grasped in its totality. No anthropologists would deny that comparison is the most basic analytical tool of the discpline. Since the literary turn of anthropology, however, the plan to explicate the particularity and/or universality of human culture by comparative method has tended to be abandoned. In fact, few anthropologists dare to publish world-wide comparative studies while the ethnographic study of a particular culture is in fashion. However, the point that particularity and universality of culture are two sides of the same coin is often forgotten. Now is the time to re-evaluate the use of the comparative method in anthropology. When culture is divided into various items and their functional relations are to be sought by comparative method, as most twentieth-century comparativists did, the project inevitably faces the difficulty that there are too many variables (i.e. items of comparison). In order to avoid this difficulty, some American anthropologists contrived new comparative methods. When a comparativist takes a single variable as independent and the other variables as dependent on it, as White did in his neo-evolutionalist works, the project leads to mere reductionism. If such a reductionist approach is not to be adopted, comparison should be made by controlling the number of variables. The control of variables is realized in two ways: by focusing on a specific cultural institution, as George P. Murdock did in his cross-cultural survey on kinship; or by making a comparison within a limited geographical area, as Margaret Mead did in her studies of three Sepik societies in New Guinea, and Fred Eggan proposed in his presidential paper to the American Anthropological Association. Eggan called the latter method a \"controlled comparison\", and proposed that American cultural anthropology should borrow the methods and techniques of British social anthropology in order to conduct adequate comparative studies. Close examination of the recent theoretical disscussions on 1) how the unit of comparison should be identified, and 2) how an item of culture can be established cross-culturally, makes it clear that all ethnographers answer these two questions before processing field data. There has been no agreement among anthropologists on the definition of the unit of comparison (i.e. the ethnic unit). The comparability of the ethnic units and their historical independence have been questioned since Francis Gallon criticized Edward B. Tylor's comparative studies on evolution more than a hundred years ago. The final and fatal attack on the problem of identification of ethnic units came from post-modern anthropologists who regard culture as a mere construct of anthropologists. The comparability of cultural items has also been questioned by two influential anthropologists, Rodney Needham and David M. Schneider, both of whom made a fundamental criticism on kinship studies. They argued that there is no such thing as kinship. In order for anthropologists to continue to make comparative studies of \"kinship\", Needham proposed a more formal analysis, while Schneider suggested that the students of kinship should treat its constructs, which originated from European culture, as a working hypothesis, not as a universal fact. The bottomline is that the comparability of cultural items must be under continuous scrutinization. These valid criticisms on the unit and item of comparison oblige all ethnographers to stop at the entrance into comparative studies. A controlled comparison must be made on the spot before processing field data. In principle, comparative studies never reveal human universals. For the ethnographic data used for comparison have already been processed by ethnographers who firmly believe that human universals must exist, although no anthropologists have ever verified this assumption. All anthropologists must stop at the entrance in order to expose their own hidden anthropological assumptions.", "publicationTitle": "民族學研究", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2003-09-30", "volume": "68", "issue": "2", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "242-261", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://ci.nii.ac.jp/naid/110006251526", "accessDate": "2010-09-30T09:07:13Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "00215023", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "CiNii", "callNumber": "0000", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "/unread", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "⛔ No DOI found", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "キリスト教", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "宗教", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "普遍主義", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "比較", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "異教", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [ "UWRVUJIC" ], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2010-10-19T09:11:28Z", "dateModified": "2023-11-13T03:42:15Z" } }, { "key": "ERBDM9X8", "version": 8574, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 29110, "name": "postplural anthropology", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/postplural_anthropology", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/29110/items/ERBDM9X8", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/postplural_anthropology/items/ERBDM9X8", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 57469, "username": "konyvmoly", "name": "", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/konyvmoly", "type": "text/html" } } }, "lastModifiedByUser": { "id": 3549878, "username": "vezione", "name": "Tim V.", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/vezione", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "栗田", "parsedDate": "2003-09-30", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "ERBDM9X8", "version": 8574, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "統制された比較 : 入口より先に進むのか?(<特集>人類学の方法としての比較の再検討)", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "博之", "lastName": "栗田" } ], "abstractNote": "本論の目的は、文化が実在し、一つのまとまり、総体を成すといった人類学の古典的パラダイムの崩壊とともに、もはや過去のものとみなされがちな20世紀中頃のアメリカ文化人類学の代表的な比較研究を取り上げ、その方法論上の特性を検討する事によって、「比較」が現代の人類学において持つ意味を考察する事にある。文化を様々な要素に分解し、それぞれの要素ごとに比較を行って、要素間の機能的連関を分析しようとする場合、変数となる要素の数が極めて多い事が比較作業を困難なものとする。この点を乗り越えるために、アメリカの文化人類学者達は様々な方法を取った。変数を限定せずに、独立変数のみを限定する方向に進めば還元論に陥る(ホワイト)。これを避けるためには、変数を限定して比較作業を行う事が必要となる。そのため、通文化的比較において要素を特定の領域に限定するという方法(マードック)、地域的に限定され、文化的な類似性を前提にした「統制された比較]という方法(ミード、エガン)が採用される事となった。しかし、比較の単位をどのように設定すべきなのかという点、ある要素/項目が通文化的に比較可能なものとして固定出来るのかどうかという点を巡ってこれまで積み重ねられて来た議論を詳細に検討すると、人類学者は比較作業の入口の所で立ち止まらざるを得ない事が明らかになる。従来の比較研究は、入口の所で立ち止まり、この二点を慎重に検討する事なく、安易に比較作業を進めてしまって来たのである。比較研究によって人類の「個別/普遍」が明らかになるわけではない。フィールドワークを行う人類学者の頭の中に、既に「普遍・一般」が隠されてしまっているからである。今後、入口での慎重なる比較によって、このような思い込みを暴き出す事がすべての人類学者に要請される。\n\t\t\t\tThe goal of this paper is to examine the use of \"comparison\" in contemporary anthropology by analyzing the main features of comparative studies by mid-twentieth-century American anthropologists, which have been considered as old-fashioned since the recent decline of the classic anthropological paradigm that culture does exist and should be grasped in its totality. No anthropologists would deny that comparison is the most basic analytical tool of the discpline. Since the literary turn of anthropology, however, the plan to explicate the particularity and/or universality of human culture by comparative method has tended to be abandoned. In fact, few anthropologists dare to publish world-wide comparative studies while the ethnographic study of a particular culture is in fashion. However, the point that particularity and universality of culture are two sides of the same coin is often forgotten. Now is the time to re-evaluate the use of the comparative method in anthropology. When culture is divided into various items and their functional relations are to be sought by comparative method, as most twentieth-century comparativists did, the project inevitably faces the difficulty that there are too many variables (i.e. items of comparison). In order to avoid this difficulty, some American anthropologists contrived new comparative methods. When a comparativist takes a single variable as independent and the other variables as dependent on it, as White did in his neo-evolutionalist works, the project leads to mere reductionism. If such a reductionist approach is not to be adopted, comparison should be made by controlling the number of variables. The control of variables is realized in two ways: by focusing on a specific cultural institution, as George P. Murdock did in his cross-cultural survey on kinship; or by making a comparison within a limited geographical area, as Margaret Mead did in her studies of three Sepik societies in New Guinea, and Fred Eggan proposed in his presidential paper to the American Anthropological Association. Eggan called the latter method a \"controlled comparison\", and proposed that American cultural anthropology should borrow the methods and techniques of British social anthropology in order to conduct adequate comparative studies. Close examination of the recent theoretical disscussions on 1) how the unit of comparison should be identified, and 2) how an item of culture can be established cross-culturally, makes it clear that all ethnographers answer these two questions before processing field data. There has been no agreement among anthropologists on the definition of the unit of comparison (i.e. the ethnic unit). The comparability of the ethnic units and their historical independence have been questioned since Francis Gallon criticized Edward B. Tylor's comparative studies on evolution more than a hundred years ago. The final and fatal attack on the problem of identification of ethnic units came from post-modern anthropologists who regard culture as a mere construct of anthropologists. The comparability of cultural items has also been questioned by two influential anthropologists, Rodney Needham and David M. Schneider, both of whom made a fundamental criticism on kinship studies. They argued that there is no such thing as kinship. In order for anthropologists to continue to make comparative studies of \"kinship\", Needham proposed a more formal analysis, while Schneider suggested that the students of kinship should treat its constructs, which originated from European culture, as a working hypothesis, not as a universal fact. The bottomline is that the comparability of cultural items must be under continuous scrutinization. These valid criticisms on the unit and item of comparison oblige all ethnographers to stop at the entrance into comparative studies. A controlled comparison must be made on the spot before processing field data. In principle, comparative studies never reveal human universals. For the ethnographic data used for comparison have already been processed by ethnographers who firmly believe that human universals must exist, although no anthropologists have ever verified this assumption. All anthropologists must stop at the entrance in order to expose their own hidden anthropological assumptions.", "publicationTitle": "民族學研究", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2003-09-30", "volume": "68", "issue": "2", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "226-241", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://ci.nii.ac.jp/naid/110006251525", "accessDate": "2010-09-30T09:06:56Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "00215023", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "統制された比較", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "CiNii", "callNumber": "0000", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "/unread", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "⛔ No DOI found", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "個別", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "普遍", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "比較", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "統制された比較", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "通文化的比較", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "還元論", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [ "UWRVUJIC" ], "relations": {}, 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The result is a turn away from the dichotomy of life/death and towards a life-after-life, an afterlife that is vitalist, networked and immanent. 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"data": { "key": "CBUVS5EW", "version": 8575, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "How to Study Incommensurability", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Paul", "lastName": "Brodwin" } ], "abstractNote": "Andrew Lakoff, Pharmaceutical Reason: Knowledge and Value in Global Psychiatry. New York: Cambridge University Press, January 2006, 206 pp. Andrew Lakoff begins his fascinating and readable book with a diagnostic event. In the late 1990s, a French biotechnology firm paid $100,000 to a hospital in Buenos Aires for permission to gather DNA samples from patients diagnosed with bipolar disorder. The company hoped to discover and patent the genes linked to this illness, but problems with the scheme soon multiplied. Doctors couldn't find enough bipolar patients to sample. The very diagnosis was suspect, and Argentinian psychoanalysts judged neuroscience itself as a brand of North American imperialism. Chapter by chapter, Lakoff skillfully unravels this clash of epistemes, politics, and practices. He shows the high stakes implicit in a single research project. How do genomics and biological psychiatry -- universalizing techniques to reorder life -- colonize new national spaces and unwelcoming professional territories? How will the contact between biological psychiatry and psychoanalysis affect the public imaginary as well as the restricted world of medical practice? In the edge between these incommensurate systems of thought, much hangs in balance: the...\nProject MUSE® - Download/Export Citation\n\n * MLA\n * APA\n * Chicago\n * Endnote\n\nBrodwin, Paul. \"How to Study Incommensurability.\" Anthropological Quarterly 79.2 (2006): 335-339. Project MUSE. [Library name], [City], [State abbreviation]. 12 May. 2009 .\nAlways review your references for accuracy and make any necessary corrections before using. Pay special attention to personal names, capitalization, and dates. Consult your library or click here for more information on citing sources.\nBrodwin, Paul. (2006). How to study incommensurability. Anthropological Quarterly 79(2), 335-339. Retrieved May 12, 2009, from Project MUSE database.\nAlways review your references for accuracy and make any necessary corrections before using. Pay special attention to personal names, capitalization, and dates. Consult your library or click here for more information on citing sources.\nBrodwin, Paul. \"How to Study Incommensurability.\" Anthropological Quarterly 79, no. 2 (2006): 335-339. http://muse.jhu.edu/ (accessed May 12, 2009).\nAlways review your references for accuracy and make any necessary corrections before using. Pay special attention to personal names, capitalization, and dates. Consult your library or click here for more information on citing sources.\nTY - JOUR\nT1 - How to Study Incommensurability\nA1 - Brodwin, Paul.\nJF - Anthropological Quarterly\nVL - 79\nIS - 2\nSP - 335\nEP - 339\nY1 - 2006\nPB - George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research\nSN - 1534-1518\nUR - http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/anthropological_quarterly/v079/79.2brodwin.html\nN1 - Volume 79, Number 2, Spring 2006\nER - \nAlways review your references for accuracy and make any necessary corrections before using. 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"この論文の目的は密接に関連した二点からなる:(1)ギアーツの「文化システムとしての宗教」とそれに対するアサッドの批判をあたらしい光の中で再解釈すること、そして、(2)そうすることによって、このような論争から帰結するとされる理論的な袋小路から抜け出す道を探り、同時に、人類学的な比較というもののあたらしい可能性を探り出すことである。アサッドの批判は、端的に言えば、ギアーツの議論はエスノセントリックである、ということである。ギアーツの宗教の定義は、ギアーツ自身の文化に特徴的な宗教、すなわち宗教改革以降のキリスト教の考え方に、無意識にせよ、多大な影響を受けているのである、とアサッドは主張するのである。このような批判からギアーツの議論をすくい出すために、私が主張したいのは、ギアーツの議論をローティの反・反エスノセントリズムの議論の脈絡で読め、ということである。反・反エスノセントリズムとは、簡単に言えば、自らのエスノセントリズムに自覚的であるべきであり、そして、(エスノセントリズムを破棄せよというのではなく、)あくまでそれから出発し、他の立場を受け入れることができるようにそのエスノセントリズムを拡大していくべきである、という考え方である。この立場は、もちろん、単純なエスノセントリズムではない(ちょうど反・反相対主義が単純な相対主義ではないように)。それゆえ、あくまで思考実験の中だけにせよ、ギアーツの自称する立場、すなわち、反・反相対主義と相容れない立場ではないと考えることは可能であろう。反・反エスノセントリズムという光の中で、当該の論文の中でのギアーツの作業は、次のようにとらえられることになる-彼は自らのもつ「宗教」に対するステレオタイプ(パットナムの言葉であるが)をできるだけ解明(カルナップの言葉であるが)しようとしているのだ、と。このようにしてギアーツの作業をとらえると、論争それ白身がまったく異なった様相を呈してくることとなる-それはもはや論争ではなく、対話(あるいは、ローティのお気に入りの言葉をつかえば、会話)なのである。二人の対話は経験に近い概念(「痛み」「苦しみ」「訓練」などなど)と経験に遠い概念、すなわち「宗教」との間を振り子運動する。対話者はさまざまな時代、さまざまな場所から民族誌的事実を引用し、そうすることによって、自らのエスノセントリックなステレオタイプを解明していくのだ。この対話こそが、私は主張したい、人類学の比較の模範演技である、と。\n\t\t\t\tThe aim of this paper is twofold: (1) to reconsider Geertz's paper \"Religion as a Cultural System\" and Asad's critique upon it in a new light, and, by so doing, (2) to find a way out from the theoretical impasse supposedly resulting from this type of debate, and, at the same time, find a new possible vehicle for anthropological comparison. 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Carnap) what he has as a stereotype (a la H. Putnam) for the concept of \"religion\". Thus reinterpreted, the debate presents itself as a totally different phenomenon -a dialogue (or \"conversation\", if I may use Rorty's favourite metaphor). Their dialogue goes back and forth between experience-near concepts such as \"pain\", \"suffering\" and \"discipline\" and an experience-distant one, that is, \"religion\", and by so doing, the two dialogue participants make use of various ethnographic facts from various places and times in order to explicate their own ethnocentric stereotypes for the concept of religion, thus providing more and more opportunities to further each other's positions. 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