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Since the 1960s, historians of the Irish land war have analyzed the movement's success in terms of economic output and productivity (Crotty 1966, Solow 1971, O Grada 1993, Turner 1996, Solar 1998).  In 1966, Raymond Crotty's Irish Agricultural Production argued that the old tenurial system was more productive than the reformed system that replaced it, as landlords used high rents to force their tenants to become efficient. 132, near quote.  In 1971, Barbara Solow argued that rioting peasants ignored the latest chemical fertilizers to their peril.  132

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But in the 1990s, Michael Turner estimated output, revisiting the quantitative record of agricultural production.  His numbers conclusively proved that an annual growth rate of .8 percent meant that reformed Ireland was outpacing England and Scotland in terms of economic productivity.  133; Turner 2000 318-9.

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throughout the Irish land war, both improving English landlords and rebellious Irish tenants (and their allies) argued that their version of land use would be more economically productive. In the immediate aftermath of the Land War, contemporaries like Horace Plunkett warned against peasants dedicating more of their energies to political rallying against the landlords instead of basic economic productivity.  He advised the Irish to follow the example of Danish farmers, who, having no landlords to distract them, had already organized into dairying cooperatives to great economic advantage.  Ó Gráda 138.  But such warnings masked a political message: landlordism was a problem that didn't need to be solved, in Plunkett's eyes; therefore the Catholic Irish were wasting their time. 149; their very political organization was used as a sign of their lack of Protestant economic independence.  Since Plunkett's day, many an economic argument has rested upon just such a false binary between political organizing and economic organizing, as if there were never economic systems in need of reform, as if an economic utopia free of politics existed somewhere in the history of the species.That dream of an economic utopia free of politics was generally invoked by individuals like Plunkett, himself of landlord stock, arguing for a utopia where peasants were silent and a small minority could continue to design the economy according to their predelictions.    
 In other ways, land reform definitely hurt the flow of trade and credit. 

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When free Ireland fell behind after the 1930s, the Irish Free State was deprived of markets as a result of leaving the British Commonwealth, their main consumer market over centuries.  135. 

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Irish land reform, by protecting tenants against foreclosure, also limited the amount of credit they had access to as a whole.  Cormac Ó Gráda theorizes that Irish land reform may have stifled the economy in a particular way.  The new cultural moratoria on foreclosure -- neither banks nor landlords were supposed to evict farmers for non-payment of rent after 1880 -- meant that banks had difficulty collecting when credit fell overdue.  A trade-off was at stake: Ireland valued farmer independence; but the world of finance valued the ability to punish debtors with eviction.  A Banking Commission in 1926 and another in 1934-8 both concluded that in such a climate, no further credit could be extended to farmers, unless a major political shift occurred, including legislation to make foreclosure swifter and more effective for creditors.  136  Neither was pursued, even while Irish senators in the 1930s proposed freely-given loans that used government annuities, rather than land, as a security.  The banking sector remained unconvinced, and farmers remained \"starved of capital\" 137

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Jo's notes on Spenser

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Jo's notes on Thirsk

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Drawing inspiration from the everyday creativity of ordinary people, Ward championed a unique social and environmental politics premised on the possibilities of democratic self-organisation and self-management from below. 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Annotation Summary for: Anand - 2011 - Pressure The politechnics of water supply in Mumb

Page 2, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"Even though city water rules allow only certain settlers (settled prior to 1995) to access the system legally, Patkar is aware that nearly all settlers access some municipal water. To get water, settlers and engineers need to make different kinds of pressure. seek to move beyond binary theorizations of haves and have-nots that are commonplace in writings about cities, especially those in the global south (Davis 2006; Harvey 2008). 543\"

Page 3, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"As feminist geographers have pointed out, dualistic narratives are constitutive of capitalismand make fewresources available to those that are marginalized by them, save that of revolutionary collective action (Gibson-Graham1996; Hart 2002; see also Chakrabarty 2000). 544\"

Page 4, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"545 hydraulic citizenship They modify pipes and pumps, sometimes with the supportof city officers, and sometimes despite their sanctions, to make resilient andpowerful settlements in the city (Benjamin 2005; Sundaram 2010). Drawing onScott’s (1990) articulation of “infrapolitics,” \"

Page 5, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"In a critical and influential formulation, Partha Chatterjee identifies these prac- tices as characteristic of what he calls “political society.” Settlers “make their claims on government, and in turn are governed, not within the framework of stable con- stitutionally defined rights and laws, but rather through temporary, contextual and unstable arrangements arrived at through direct political negotiations” (Chatterjee 2008:57).\"

Page 6, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \" Colonial officials and their elite municipal council sought to extend waternetworks only to a limited population—typically the wealthier classes and Britishsubjects (Dossal 1991).4 This approach of “salutary neglect” left large sections ofthe city’s population out of biopolitical systems of government and put themin thesovereign control of “customary leaders,” whose primary function was to ensuretheir populations did not disturb the lawand order of the city (Chandavarkar 2007;Hazareesingh 2000). In the absence of suffrage and citizenship rights, settlers had fewresources in colonial times to demand water and other urban infrastructure (Chandavarkar 2007). 547\"

Page 6, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"Because settlers are critical to the electoral success of political parties, the city’s dominant political outfits have worked to bring the services of the state (water, electricity, hospitals, schools) to settlements in a highly visible manner. They often do this by supporting, and seeking the support of dadas and other leaders in the settlements. (Hansen 2005).\"

Page 7, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"548\"

Page 8, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"Like many others, she focused on the vagaries of water “pressure” (using the English word) as her mainproblem. Whenthere is little pressure inmunicipal pipes, settlers were unable to collect enough water in the little time they had. Ran´e suggested that in those situations, settlers survived by drawing water from markets, wells, ditches, plumbers and by exerting pressure on politicians.\"

Page 8, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \" Votes,evidently, aren’t sufficient to guarantee hydraulic citizenship in Mumbai. Hydrauliccitizenship, realized by the receipt of pressured water from municipal pipes, alsodepends on the legal histories of the settlement, the city’s water network, and thework of its engineers.  549\"

Page 9, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"Although the revised water rules provide a means for millions of settlers to apply formally for water connections, the complexity of the process renders it almost impossible for settlers to do so directly at the water department. Hansen and Verkaaik have directed our attention to charismatic figures likecouncilors and plumbers, urban specialists who “by virtue of their reputation, skillsand imputed connections provide services, connectivity and knowledge to ordinarydwellers in slums and popular neighborhoods” (Hansen and Verkaaik 2009:16). 550\"

Page 10, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"Nevertheless, in virtually every settlement of the city, water plays a critical role mediating the relationship between the government and the governed. 551\"

Page 11, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"In mediating the demands of settlers, they do important screening work for the overworked engineers of the water department. In turn, they need engineers to validate their requests. Yet, engineers do not merely respond to councilors out of goodwill. Theyalso depend on councilors to approve their requests, applications, and tenders fora range of works projects—water pipelines, roads, sewage networks, and so on.Councilors and political party workers can also mobilize large groups of protestorsto heckle or intimidate engineers, or to vandalize their offices.9 As such, engineersneed to ensure that they do not unduly upset councilors or deny their requestson the basis of rules 552 . If a councillor orhis constituencypressures engineers todeliver more water, the engineer canonlydo\"

Page 12, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"so if he reallocates the water froma different neighborhood.10 Unable to respond tothe demands of all councilors at once, engineers are constantly subject to the verbalabuse of councilors who demand quick responses to their mutually incompatiblerequests. S 553\"

Page 16, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"Not all residents in Premnagar use booster pumps. Many are unwilling to pay the high electricity charges associated with their use. Having confronted water difficulties and a leaky system for some time now, residents have also returned to drawing water from wells in the neighborhood. Wells were heavily used before the arrival of city water supplies in the 1970s. In his filmabout the water problems in Premnagar, resident Shali Shaikh describes howwells, abandoned soon after the extension of municipal water pipes in the settlement, are now being revitalized. 557 As sources of water, wells lie outside and beyond the interests of municipal engineers, particularly be- cause they are fickle, decentralized, and small. They are difficult for a hierarchically structured bureaucracy to control. While\"

Page 17, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"558\"

Page 18, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"To conclude, water systems are especially amenable to the application of diverse pressures.\"

Page 21, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"Chandavarkar, Rajnarayan 2007 Customs of Governance: Colonialism and DemocracyCentury India. Modern Asian Studies 41:441–470. \"

Page 22, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"Hazareesingh, Sandip 2000 The Quest for Urban Citizenship: Civic Rights, Public Opinion, andColonial Resistance in Early Twentieth-Century Bombay. Modern Asian Studies34:797–829\"

Page 22, Highlight (Yellow):
  Content: \"McFarlane, Colin 2008 Governing the Contaminated City: Infrastructure and Sanitation in Colo- nial and Post-Colonial Bombay. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 32:415–435.\"

--

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ABSTRACT

\n

An anthropology of political pressure groups and engineers in Mumbai which notes how every citizen in the area is united by the need to commit time daily to the question of water pressure, whether through the metaphorical political pressure applied to councilors and engineers in order to secure water diversions, leaks, and pumps, or by carrying water the traditional way from wells back home.

\n

 

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ABSTRACT

\n

Huizer represents the radical edge of the conversation about participation vs. development in the 1970s.  He ignored the question of development entirely, focussing on instances where peasants had lost their traditional rights to common lands or tribal lands and had used squatting and occupation to force the issue of their rights to participate in the market.   This question, he explained, almost always resulted in some form of violence, never on the part of the peasants but typically on the part of state and landlords trying to monopolize access to lands in the hands of a few.  Successful squatting actions, protests, and petitions in Colombia, Mexico, and Peru however had achieved a readjustment of political economy in favor of the landless peasants, returning them the rights of access to their traditional lands.  Huizer argued that development scholars should therefore rethink the category of \"violence,\" reconsidering the supposedly lawless peasants as in fact working within the only set of political options they had to achieve an economic system that allowed for their interests.  \"\"with the intransigence or even violence of the landed elite, escalation of the oc- demands curred, generally accompanied by escalation of means used to pressure for those demands. Di- rect action then became a frequently used ap- proach, and land invasions either as a form of civil disobedience or as a legally allowed form were an expression of this. Invasions were gen- erally explicitly peaceful and non-violent. Vio- lence generally came first from the landlords' or government's side in this escalation process. It appears that peasants became willing to use violence only once they were actually suffering, as a kind of self-defence. Consistent use of the non-violent strategy thus may bring peasants into revolutionary action because of the intran- sigence and rigidity of the elites. Whether a growing peasant organization initiated its more radical activities with a strug- gle for civil rights against illegal practices of the landlords, or for economic improvements, or on for agrarian reform depended the local situation.\" 131  Land occupations and squats should therefore be understood as a form of non-violent political activity, forcing the readjustment of capitalist or communist regimes both.  He quotes Theisenhausen towards the legitimacy of these alternative tactics towards the renegotiation of political legitimacy: \"Page 10, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"Thiesen- When governments are ill-informed of local conditions (or obdurate in the face of evidence) and legal channels are not equally open to all for redress of grievance, groups which see themselves as deprived may resort to civil disobedience thus making it impos- sible for their demands to be ignored.26 husen has noted: comprehension among specialists in the field of rural development that both governments and public opinion should accept direct action as legitimate means through which the peasantry can present its demands, despite the fact the in some countries these methods lie on the bor- derline of legally established possibilities, and an even imply the risk of violence. A great deal of misunderstanding continues to exist about this situation\" 129

\n

Huizer reviews the tactics.

\n

- building a house in a night

\n

Content: \"122 The invasions soon extended to surrounding villages with similar problems. One tactic ap- plied by the peasants was the transplantation in one night of a considerable amount of 3 month old yucca or banana plants, so that it seemed to the authorities that the invaded field had been occupied for a long time and could hardly be legally condemned to eviction. Similarly, the transfer in one night of complete houses built elsewhere was undertaken to achieve the same effect. The landlords started a counter-campaign, denounc- ing the area as 'Marquetalia de la Costa'5 and providing arms to those willing to help them, including some local fishermen. The centre of\"

\n

(cf Colin Ward)

\n

- erecting symbolic dwellings:

\n

\"This invasion was triggered off when the Cerro de Pasco Corporation closed its estate and started to drive off the cattle of the sur- rounding comunidades which had been grazing there. The comuneros, who still had old titles to the lands, now worked as labourers on the estate, but it was a right of the workers to let their own cattle also graze on the estate's land. When the company wanted to extend its cattle operations it fenced off the lands and pro- hibited the peasants from using those rights. Their demands were not considered. The com- pany even refused to rent to the peasants the lands they needed. Only after possibilities of arriving at a legal arrangement were exhausted did the comuneros decide to invade those lands of the estate. Several hundred policemen moved in to dislodge the peasants who had entered the estate with women, children, and cattle and had built about 50 symbolic dwellings. When the police wanted to lead away the leader of the corn- unidad, a fight broke out. Three peasants, in- cluding the leader were killed.1' Another area where land occupations have been widely applied as a non-violent tactic, but often have met with the violence of land- lords or the army, are the Central Highlands in Peru. This happened particularly after the 1962 and 1963 election campaigns in which promises of justice in land tenure and agrarian reform were made by the presidental candidates. 123\"

\n

- squatting

\n

 Content: \"It has happened that in Sinaloa peasants were forced to leave lands included in the irrigation scheme of the Miguel Hidalgo dam. It was in those areas that later new latifundios of thousands of hectares were created.21 With assistance of the UGOCM, the forma- tion of new land reform settlements, called nuevos centros de poblacion agricola had been petitioned by local committees in many areas, such as the valleys of Culiacan and Guasave. Many petitioners were peasants of Michoacan, Jalisco, Guanajuato and other over-populated states, who had been working in the region for years constructing irrigation works or as peons, in the hope of receiving land in the newly ir- rigated areas. For the state of Sinaloa whole, altogether 250 petitions were held up in the land reform agency.22 Many of these peti- tions had already obtained presidential ap- proval, the final step in the reform process be- fore actual assignment of the land.\" 129

\n

- petitioning

\n

\" Content: \"It has happened that in Sinaloa peasants were forced to leave lands included in the irrigation scheme of the Miguel Hidalgo dam. It was in those areas that later new latifundios of thousands of hectares were created.21 With assistance of the UGOCM, the forma- tion of new land reform settlements, called nuevos centros de poblacion agricola had been petitioned by local committees in many areas, such as the valleys of Culiacan and Guasave. Many petitioners were peasants of Michoacan, Jalisco, Guanajuato and other over-populated states, who had been working in the region for years constructing irrigation works or as peons, in the hope of receiving land in the newly ir- rigated areas. For the state of Sinaloa whole, altogether 250 petitions were held up in the land reform agency.22 Many of these peti- tions had already obtained presidential ap- proval, the final step in the reform process be- fore actual assignment of the land.\"   127

\n

 

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Land invasion as a political strategy of peasants is discussed on the basis of case studies from Colombia, Peru and Mexico. It is adopted by peasants deprived of their lands or harassed in the execution of their perceived rights by the land-lords. Peasants are generally attached to legality and non-violent forms of political action. The cases studied show that land invasion usually has come as the frustrated conclusion to vain attempts of petitioning, law suits etc. Public intransigence and non-responsiveness have been necessary to cause more radical forms of action. Cases of direct violence are generally initiated by public or land-lord representatives defining the squatting as illegal. Only then are there instances reported of violent acts of self-defense on part of the peasants. The escalation in peasants' political action is usually brought out in news media in a distorted way, as only cases of direct peasant violence are registered. In this way, the revolutionary potential of peasants as a class formation is greatly misunderstood.", "publicationTitle": "Journal of Peace Research", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "January 01, 1972", "volume": "9", "issue": "2", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "121-132", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.jstor.org/stable/423175", "accessDate": "2011-07-18T14:26:00Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0022-3433", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "Land Invasion as a Non-Violent Strategy of Peasant Rebellion", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "JSTOR", "callNumber": "0010", "rights": "", "extra": "ArticleType: research-article / Full publication date: 1972 / Copyright © 1972 Sage Publications, Ltd.", "tags": [], "collections": [], "relations": { "owl:sameAs": "http://zotero.org/groups/50280/items/NSJTTAT5" }, "dateAdded": "2014-08-26T20:44:24Z", "dateModified": "2014-08-26T20:44:24Z" } }, { "key": "B3RVRZEG", "version": 2, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 280947, "name": "Hist1311", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/hist1311", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/280947/items/B3RVRZEG", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/hist1311/items/B3RVRZEG", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/280947/items/QMQVFZTU", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 14402, "username": "joguldi", "name": "Jo Guldi", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/joguldi", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "B3RVRZEG", "version": 2, "parentItem": "QMQVFZTU", "itemType": "note", "note": "

Annotation Summary for: Huizer - 1972 - Land Invasion as a Non-Violent Strategy of

Page 2, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"From many known cases of peasant action and unrest, particularly in Latin America,' it can be seen that peasants generally rely on legal and non-violent mands across. non-violent approaches to bring de-\"

Page 3, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"122 The invasions soon extended to surrounding villages with similar problems. One tactic ap- plied by the peasants was the transplantation in one night of a considerable amount of 3 month old yucca or banana plants, so that it seemed to the authorities that the invaded field had been occupied for a long time and could hardly be legally condemned to eviction. Similarly, the transfer in one night of complete houses built elsewhere was undertaken to achieve the same effect. The landlords started a counter-campaign, denounc- ing the area as 'Marquetalia de la Costa'5 and providing arms to those willing to help them, including some local fishermen. The centre of\"

Page 3, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"that he would immediately be put in jail.7 The case of Manati is rather exceptional in Colombia where, on the whole, hardly any land reform is going on. Legal and non-violent ac- tions of peasants are often met by outright violence. that he would immediately be put in jail.7\"

Page 4, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"This invasion was triggered off when the Cerro de Pasco Corporation closed its estate and started to drive off the cattle of the sur- rounding comunidades which had been grazing there. The comuneros, who still had old titles to the lands, now worked as labourers on the estate, but it was a right of the workers to let their own cattle also graze on the estate's land. When the company wanted to extend its cattle operations it fenced off the lands and pro- hibited the peasants from using those rights. Their demands were not considered. The com- pany even refused to rent to the peasants the lands they needed. Only after possibilities of arriving at a legal arrangement were exhausted did the comuneros decide to invade those lands of the estate. Several hundred policemen moved in to dislodge the peasants who had entered the estate with women, children, and cattle and had built about 50 symbolic dwellings. When the police wanted to lead away the leader of the corn- unidad, a fight broke out. Three peasants, in- cluding the leader were killed.1' Another area where land occupations have been widely applied as a non-violent tactic, but often have met with the violence of land- lords or the army, are the Central Highlands in Peru. This happened particularly after the 1962 and 1963 election campaigns in which promises of justice in land tenure and agrarian reform were made by the presidental candidates. 123\"

Page 7, Highlight (Orange):
 Content: \"The two huge estates where most of the in- vasions in the departments of Pasco and Junin occurred, the Algolan estate and the Cerro de Pasco Corporation, soon became part of the agrarian reform programme. Several local in- formants indicated that the actual beginning distribution - the of of the reform project for exploitation comunidades the to plots - through 'communal enterprises' occurred when a group of guerillas which were headed by Guillermo Lobaton and which formed partof a campaign started in early 1965 by leftist groups to overthrow the government by armed force, came close to the area. In addition, the promulgation of the agrarian reform law on May 21, 1964 included a state- ment that invaded lands would not be used for the reform programme. 126 A great number of technicians of the Oficina Na- cional de Reforma Agraria (ONRA) were sent to establish themselves in those areas, giving the peasants the impression that a solution to their problems was near.\"

Page 7, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"It seems that there was no organizational re- lationship between the peasant invasions in the and the guerilla groups that years 1960-1963 operated in Peru in 1965. In Elsewhere, however, in the Satipo region for example, peasant organizations were completely repressed because of the presence of guerillas. The pretext used by the military authorities was that the local unions, affiliates of the moderate Christian-democrat labour mo- vement in Peru, had contacts with the guerillas. One top-leader was assassinated, another im- prisoned and tortured, and several hamlets of organized squatters, disputing lands with large destroyed.'8 landowners, were there in a state of expecta- tion and hope for Mexico\"

Page 7, Highlight (Custom Color: #9933b2):
 Content: \"When it be- that the benefits of these programmes went more to the middle class and wealthy farmers than to the ejidata- rios (beneficiaries of agrarian reform settle- ments) and the landless peasants who hoped to become ejidatarios, a situation developed which came increasingly clear favoured active radical peasant organizations. It is not surprising that this occurred precisely in those areas where, as a consequence of the new irrigation schemes, the 'conspicuous con- sumption patterns' of the rising middle class emphasized the contrast between privileged and underprivileged.\"

Page 8, Highlight (Custom Color: #9933b2):
 Content: \"It has happened that in Sinaloa peasants were forced to leave lands included in the irrigation scheme of the Miguel Hidalgo dam. It was in those areas that later new latifundios of thousands of hectares were created.21 With assistance of the UGOCM, the forma- tion of new land reform settlements, called nuevos centros de poblacion agricola had been petitioned by local committees in many areas, such as the valleys of Culiacan and Guasave. Many petitioners were peasants of Michoacan, Jalisco, Guanajuato and other over-populated states, who had been working in the region for years constructing irrigation works or as peons, in the hope of receiving land in the newly ir- rigated areas. For the state of Sinaloa whole, altogether 250 petitions were held up in the land reform agency.22 Many of these peti- tions had already obtained presidential ap- proval, the final step in the reform process be- fore actual assignment of the land.\"

Page 8, Highlight (Orange):
 Content: \"On 26 January 1958, a mass meeting of about 8,000, mainly landless peasants was held in Culiacan. Later they marched through the main streets of the town in an orderly manner and made a powerful impression on local public opinion. Fourteen speakers explained the griev- ances of the peasants during the meeting and declared that now the Agreement of Los Mochis, which provided for the occupation of lands held in circumvention of the national laws, would be accomplished. The hypothesis was that the real owners of lands inscribed as 'small properties' under false names, while in fact forming part of latifundios as large as 22,000 hectares, would show up as soon as their lands were symbolically occupied. The top local leaders of the UGOCM, Jacinto Lopez and Lazaro Rubio Felix, met with the Governor and the Attorney- General of the state of Sinaloa, and explained that all legal means to obtain justice had been exhausted. The military commander of the state was visited.\"

Page 9, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"128 occu- pation consisted of planting the national flag in the middle of those lands, while the main bulk of the peasants stood or sat on the roads along those fields. The tactics adopted were to start by occupying lands belonging to foreigners in violation of the Constitution, which prohibits foreigners from possessing lands within 50 kilo- metres of the sea-coast.\"

Page 10, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"129\"

Page 10, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"Thiesen- When governments are ill-informed of local conditions (or obdurate in the face of evidence) and legal channels are not equally open to all for redress of grievance, groups which see themselves as deprived may resort to civil disobedience thus making it impos- sible for their demands to be ignored.26 husen has noted: comprehension among specialists in the field of rural development that both governments and public opinion should accept direct action as legitimate means through which the peasantry can present its demands, despite the fact the in some countries these methods lie on the bor- derline of legally established possibilities, and an even imply the risk of violence. A great deal of misunderstanding continues to exist about this situation. There is increasing\"

Page 10, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"While most squatters were peacefully dislodged, the people of the village Cuitaca were thrown out of their houses by federal troops and taken to the town of Cananea after their homes had been destroyed. They refused to stay in the corral of the Cana- nea Cattle Company and occupied the munici- pal square for three days as a protest. Later the victims took refuge in the baseball stadium. After remaining four days in Cuitaca, Jacinto Lopez and other leaders of the action were seized by the police and put in jail for four months. The nationwide publicity given to the movement, however, finally re- sulted in the signing of the Expropriation De- cree on 31 July 1958. This did not cover the whole estate, but as some newspaper exclaimed, 262,000 hectares were 'reconquered by Mexico'. 5. Some comments It seems that some form of violence or radi- cal action has in the past been the main reason for governments seriously considering mulgating agrarian reform laws. and pro- It would be a mistake, however, to consider peasant 'inva- sions' as acts of violence. On the contrary, most acts of violence related to the agrarian reform issue have come from the landlords, and violent action by the peasants has generally come as reaction to the former. as a\"

Page 10, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"Such peaceful occupation of unused lands has been used frequently by peasant organisa- tions as a means of pressure. Not always, how- ever, are such acts to be considered forms of civil disobedience. Several countries have ac- cepted laws which allow squatters on unused lands to claim property rights after they have worked those lands for a number of years. This generally involves lands in areas of scarce popu- lation where property rights are ill-defined. The situation becomes more complicated when such lands are registered as property in the name of a large landholder who makes only partial or no use of those lands in areas where many landless peasants live under marginal condi- tions. Not infrequently in such areas, landless peas- ants have been allowed to cultivate for several years small plots for their own subsistence in exchange for some fee or for work on that part of the landholding which was effectively culti-\"

Page 11, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"130 vated by the owner. Especially when the owner wanted to extend operations and started dis- lodging the peasants who had been allowed to live on his lands for some time, situations were created for which generally only vague legal provisions existed. It happened that such peas- ants were then called 'invaders', and the police or army was called in to dislodge them force- fully.\"

Page 11, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"Hirschman has called the land occupation approach a 'direct problem-solving activity', and notes: 'for the past hundred years peasants have occupied and are still occupying today lands that are not theirs. Sometimes they have used force and force has occasionally been used against them by those who claim owner- ship. But eventually forcible appropriation of large areas has been sanctioned by the state through ad hoc intervention or general legi- slation. Thus, the willingness of the peasants to occupy uncultivated lands - a kind of entrepreneurial spirit - has powerfully con- tributed to reform legislation. Without the past experience of mass squatting and the threat of more to come, neither Law 200 of 1936 nor the land reform law of 1961 would ever have been passed by the Congress.30 In order to understand the implication of in- vasion cases, a clear concept of what is under- stood by the term 'violence' is important. A recent working definition for 'civil violence' reads: All collective, non-governmental attacks on persons or property, resulting in inten- tional damage to them, that occur within the boundaries of an autonomous or colonial political unit.32 By this definition it appears that when idle lands are peacefully occupied by landless peas- ants and brought under cultivation, there is no question of intentional damage. Thus the term 'violence' would not apply, although this ap- proach is often branded as 'violence' by the press and the authorities. However, the eviction of squatters from formerly unused lands which they have cleared and cultivated for years often does fall under that category, although ignored as such by press and authorities in most cases. One fre- quently-used method of dislodging peasants is burning their houses. This is 'intentional dam-\"

Page 12, Highlight (Yellow):
 Content: \"with the intransigence or even violence of the landed elite, escalation of the oc- demands curred, generally accompanied by escalation of means used to pressure for those demands. Di- rect action then became a frequently used ap- proach, and land invasions either as a form of civil disobedience or as a legally allowed form were an expression of this. Invasions were gen- erally explicitly peaceful and non-violent. Vio- lence generally came first from the landlords' or government's side in this escalation process. It appears that peasants became willing to use violence only once they were actually suffering, as a kind of self-defence. Consistent use of the non-violent strategy thus may bring peasants into revolutionary action because of the intran- sigence and rigidity of the elites. Whether a growing peasant organization initiated its more radical activities with a strug- gle for civil rights against illegal practices of the landlords, or for economic improvements, or on for agrarian reform depended the local situation. After moderate demands had met\"

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