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            "note": "<p>pg 351-353:&nbsp; This movement began in/around 1990, when feminism became less engaged with singular sites of power and less convinced of a universal \"woman\" for whom feminism could speak.<br /><br /> When \"feminism\" lost its coherence in this period, the focus became more centered on \"empowerment\" and \"success.\"<br /><br /></p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 350: Defines postfeminism: \"an active process by which feminist gains of the 1970s and 80s come to be undermined.\" <br /><br /> McRobbie argues that it is popular culture in particular&nbsp; that has been \"perniciously effective...while simultaneously appearing to be engaging in a well-informed and even well-intended response to feminism\" (350)<br /><br /> Pop culture, particularly in its appeals to young women, uses \"tropes of freedom and choice\" to make feminism appear \"out of date\" and unnecessary. <br /><br /></p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 794-795: Nice summary of the riot grrrl movement, and particular practices like the support of all-female bands and the \"girls to the front!\" arrangement of riot grrrl shows.</p>\n<p>Riot grrrl bands used nostalgic girl-imagery is an attempt to reject the definition of \"girl\" as demeaning or reductive.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 794: Mission statement for the essay:</p>\n<p>\"My argument about the ambiguous political effects of \"acting like a girl\" - either as a strategy for progressive, antiracist feminism or a means of fostering the careers and the creativity of young female musicians - is informed by my own fan/consumer practices....It is therefore with an investment simultaneously political, professional, and personal that I approach the question of how girlhood has been appropriated and coded - not, that is, to trash some of the very music and musical practices that have afforded me pleasure, but to strike a cautious and critical tone about them\" (794).</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 793:&nbsp; \"What then, is the relation between feminism and strategies of representing girlhood within US rock music cultures? Especially in the last decade of the twentieth century, notable for the advent of an artistically self-assured and cannily enterprising generation of highly visible women rock artists, can the strategic \"reversion\" to girlhood work as a strategy for feminism, or for producing feminist girls?\" (783)</p>\n<p><br />Wald argues that the 90s use of \"girl power\" is fraught with contradictions - \"girl power\" may, to some degree, offer a form of pleasurable transgression and empowerment, but limited by A) a certain white bourgeois context and B) the power of dominant structures to repackage the \"girl\" as sexy \"innocent\" commodity.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 120-122: First, understand that Orientalism is more than just ideas.</p>\n<p>\"Orientalism is not a mere political subject matter or field that is reflected passively by culture, scholarship, or institutions; nor is it a large and diffuse collection of texts about the Orient; nor is it representative and expressive of some nefarious 'Western' imperialist plot to hold down the 'Oriental' world\" (120).</p>\n<p>RATHER, Orientalism does discrete things:</p>\n<ul>\n<li> transfers geopolitical awareness into TEXTS</li>\n<li>Elaborates &amp; reiterates a series of interests that create a sense of the world bifurcated into \"orient and occident\"</li>\n<li>and an INTENTION to reinforce a system of power and domination within that bifurcated worldview.</li>\n</ul>\n<p> </p>\n<p>Thus, we need to understand that Orientalism, and the colonialism and imperialism that spring from it, \"governs an entire field of study, imagination, and scholarly institutions - in such a way as to make its avoidance an intellectual and historical impossibility.\" (121).</p>\n<p> </p>\n<p>SO what Said is calling for is a recognition of this contextual ground, so that \"each humanistic investigation must formulate the nature of that connection [the connection between culture and politics] in the specific context of the study, the subject matter, and its historical circumstances\" (122).</p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 89-91: The State.</p>\n<p>A&gt;&gt;&gt; \"every State is ethical inasmuch as one of its most important functions is to raise the great mass of the population to a particular cultural and moral level, a level (or type) which corresponds to the needs of the productive forces for development, and hence to the interests of the ruling classes\" (89). &lt;&lt;&lt; \"Ethical\" here must not be understood as an evaluative sense, like \"Joe is a really ethical person,\" but rather in a descriptive sense, as in \"concerned with ethics\". So states are not just \"disciplinary\" but also concerned with producing a certain ethic, certain values or norms.</p>\n<p>B&gt;&gt;&gt; States also must work to govern \"by consent,\" or by the appearance of consent. It \"manufactures\" consent by its ideological functions.</p>\n<p>C&gt;&gt;&gt; One of the great successes of bourgeois States, as opposed to previous regimes, has been its ability to utilize the educational function of civil society to secure consent of opposing forces.</p>\n<p>D&gt;&gt;&gt; Civil society is so effective, one could argue, that the coercive function of States may conceivably wither away.</p>\n<p><strong>E&gt;&gt;&gt; Civil society doesn't only \"secure\" a particular hegemonic order, but \"re-creates\" it in order to better serve the evolving economic apparatus of production</strong></p>\n<p>F&gt;&gt;&gt; The state works creatively, but also negatively by its disciplinary (legal) apparatus.</p>\n<p>G&gt;&gt;&gt; \"<strong>the State is the entire complex of practical and theoretical activities with which the ruling class not only justifies and maintains its dominance, but manages to win the active consent over whom it rules\"</strong> (91).</p>\n<p> </p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 87-89: INTELLECTUALS</p>\n<p>A&gt;&gt;&gt; Every social group produces a class that produces, refines, and distributes ideas that \"give it homogeneity and an awareness of its own function not only in the economic but also in the social and political fields\" (87). These intellectuals operate to organize society, and all its attendant services. The intellectuals that are generated to serve the needs of that social group are called <strong>organic intellectuals</strong>.</p>\n<p>B&gt;&gt;&gt; What characterizes an \"intellectual\"? The big mistake is thinking that \"intellectuals\" are judged by the qualities of their activities, rather than the conditions and social functions of their activities. \"Manual labor\" is also \"intellectual labor,\" but that doesnt mean every worker is an intellectual. <strong>\"All men are intellectuals, one could therefore say; but not all men have in society the function of intellectuals</strong>\" (87).</p>\n<p>C&gt;&gt;&gt; Intellectual functions in society are organized into specialized categories. A subordinate social group, in its struggle for hegemony, must \"assimilate and to conquer 'ideologically' the traditional intellectuals, but this assimilation and conquest is made quicker and more efficacious the more the group in question succeeds in simultaneously elaborating its own organic intellectuals\" (88). <strong>This is why education has emerged as such a powerful social institution.</strong></p>\n<p>D&gt;&gt;&gt; There are two major levels to the superstructure. \"Civil Society\" and \"the State\". Their activities work through 'hegemony' in Civil Society and coercion via the State. In tandem they perform certain functions, aided by their deputies (\"intellectuals\"). These functions are:</p>\n<ol>\n<li>Acquiring the \"spontaneous consent\" of the masses - the 'commonsense' acceptance of the dominant order.</li>\n<li>Those who do not \"consent\" are then subject to the state's coercive power, legitimized through the institutions of law, public opinion, etc.</li>\n</ol>\n<p>E&gt;&gt;&gt;  Historically we see the different way this struggle can play out - in France there are established \"organic intellectuals\" that accompanied its revolutionary period--as such the transition to a new governmental order was accomplished purely in economic/military terms. The \"common sense\" of the new democratic/representative order was not in question. In England, however, even though the economic/coercive power of the merchant class could overtake that of the feudal/royal class, the merchants did not adequately produce intellectuals - thus, their transition was less complete, leading to a weird amalgamation of feudal and bourgeois order.</p>\n<div class=\"mcePaste\" style=\"width: 1px; height: 1px;\"></div>",
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            "note": "<p>Pg 133-136: Cultural Inventories</p>\n<p>One of the first ways ideology was studied was in linguistic or semiotic analysis. In other words, by understanding what the rules were in \"signification systems\" (things like language, etc), one could understand the ways those societies classified and ordered the world.</p>\n<p>This led to \"semiology,\" which studied language as not only reflective but productive of social forms. This was followed by Barthes, who looked at the way language's connotative meanings latched on to denotative ones. This tradition led to the idea that a whole society itself could be studied \"like a language.\" This was the project of <strong>structuralism</strong> (134).</p>\n<p>The questions in this tradition led to were:</p>\n<ol>\n<li>How does a dominant discourse establish itself as \"official\" or \"natural,\" and how does it maintain its dominance against competing definitions?</li>\n<li>How do the institutions which deliver dominant discourse (institutions like the mass media) succeed in allowing for a restricted range of meanings that serve the dominant social order's interests? (135).</li>\n</ol>\n<p> </p>\n<p> </p>",
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            "note": "<p>Pg 133:  Identifying the broad lines through which the reconceptualization of ideology occurred in media studies. This occurs in a series of different 'sub-fields,' but they are all concerned with two basic questions</p>\n<ol>\n<li><strong>What is ideology and how does it work?<br /></strong></li>\n<li><strong>How does ideology relate to other practices within social formations?</strong></li>\n</ol>",
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            "note": "<p style=\"text-align: left;\">pg 129-133: <strong>Deviants and the Consensus</strong>:</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Some began to challenge the notion of pluralistic \"consensus\" (after all, not everyone had equal access to civil society in a nation with institutionalized segregation).</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">This led to <strong>sub-cultural</strong> studies, where analyses were made of \"deviant\" groups that operated outside of the norms and rules of mainstream society. These were first purely sociological or anthropological studies, but soon took up larger, more structural questions. \"matters of cultural and social power - the power to define the rules of the game to which everyone was required to ascribe - were involved in the transactions between those who were consensus-subscribers and those who were labelled deviant\" (130).</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">This led to the study of methods of <strong>social control</strong>, as well as the processes or systems that institute certain models of control. Clearly, we're moving away from the individual behavior model and more towards a larger structural kind of analysis. So where did the media fit in?</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left; padding-left: 30px;\">\"<strong>If the media were not simply reflective or 'expressive' of an already achieved consensus, but instead tended to reproduce those very definitions of the situation which favored and legitimated the existing structure of things, then what had seemed at first as merely a reinforcing role had now to be re-conceptualized in terms of the media's role in the process of consensus formation\" (131).</strong></p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">In addition, media needed to be studied not merely on the terms of the \"effects\" of its CONTENT, but also in the ways that it was structured ideologically--meaning, how it re-created a certain form of social organization by creating subjects.</p>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\">Which brings us to the return of <strong>ideology</strong>.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 124: Purpose: Hall wants to tell a story about the historical development of media studies to the point at which he is writing (1982).</p>\n<p>Looks to account for the history of media studies, and particularly its treatment of politics, broadly defined. Identifies \"three distinct phases.\" The focus of this essay is to consider the break between the second stage, stretching from 1940s-1960s and dominated by American behavioral science, to the third stage which Hall describes as an \"alternative, 'critical' paradigm\" (124).</p>\n<p>Wants to begin with two main points regarding these two models, the \"mainstream behavioral\" and the \"critical\":</p>\n<ol>\n<li>Although the difference would seem to be a difference of methods and procedures, Hall argues that they are instead differences in \"theoretical perspective\" and \"political calculation,\" and differences regarding how social organizations should be studied.</li>\n<li>The difference in this shift should be understood as a shift from a behavioral to an ideological perspective.</li>\n</ol>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 045-48: Spoiling is not just something weirdos on the internet do--it's an interaction between a show's most active fans and the show's producers. It provides another \"level\" of watching, which not only expands the audience but also encourages multiple viewings, purchasing of DVD, visits to fanboards, etc. etc. etc.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 031: The \"recaps\" on SurvivorSucks started as a way to discuss a fan object with others, but to DISTANCE one's self from it by making fun of the formulas and disavowing your enjoyment. Hence the name \"survivor sucks\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p><strong>Pg 040-43</strong>: ChillOne does an end-around of the “experts” on the spoiler board, which upsets the community by disrupting their system of evaluating members’ contributions. It made the entire discussion about testing HIS theories.</p>",
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            "note": "<p><strong>pg 032-33:</strong> Shows the enormous investment and networked quality of the knowledge by discussing one example of a couple who works with a GUY WHO KNOWS A SPY SATTELITE OPERATOR (wtf???)</p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 038: \"Gated\" Knowledge communities - to develop specialized knowledge, they wind up closing themselves off from the public, recreating the \"expert culture\" that collective intelligence tries to undo.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 026-027: Collective Intelligence, concept from Pierre Levy, is the \"ability of virtual communities to leverage the combined expertise of their members. What we cannot know or do on our own, we may now be able to do collectively. And this organization of audiences into what Levy calls knowledge communities allows them to exert a greater aggregate power in their negotiations with media producers. .... He suggests...that collective intelligence will gradually alter the ways commodity culture operates.\"</p>\n<p>These online communities allow for the discussion, development and negotiation of knowledge.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 017: Convergence isn't just about the delivery of commercial media content. Media convergence isn't just about content, it's about <strong>changes in our social relations</strong>. \"Our lives, relationships, memories, fantasies, desires also flow across media channels\" (17).</p>\n<p>Convergence is BOTH \"top-down\" and \"bottom-up\"</p>\n<p> </p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 029: Jenkins argues that the collective intelligence we see online show the potential for enormous political power: \"imagine the kinds of information these fans could collect, if they sought to spoil the government rather than the networks. ... I would argue that one reason more Americans do not participate in public debates is that our normal ways of thinking and talking about politics require us to buy into what we will discuss later in this chapter as teh expert paradigm: to play the game, you have to become a policy wonk, or, more accurately, you have to let a policy wonk do your thinking for you. One reason why spoiling is a more compelling practice is because the way knowledge gets produced and evaluated is more democratic. Spoiling is empowering in the literal sense...\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>Pg 025-26: Survivor fans have invented a new \"way of watching\" in trying to figure out the order of the elimination of contestants.</p>\n<p><br />\"the age of media convergence enables communial, rather than individualistic, modes or reception\" (26).</p>\n<p>\"My focus here is on the process and ethics of shared problem-solving in an online community. I am less interested, ultimately, in who ChillOne is or whether his information was accurate than I am with how the community responded to, evaluated, debated, critiqued and came to grips with the kinds of knowledge he brought to them.</p>",
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            "note": "<p>pg 022-023: \"Convergence culture represents a shift in the ways we think about our relations to media, that we are making that shift first through our relations with popular culture, but that the skills we acquire through play may have implications for how we learn, work, participate in the political process, and connect with other people around the world.\" (22-23).</p>\n<p>&lt;&lt;&lt; Yes, but we ought to also think about the LIMITS as well as the POTENTIALS.</p>\n<p>\"We are entering an era of prolonged transition and transformation in the way media operates\" (24).</p>",
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