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            "note": "<p>Chapter 5: Feminism, Citizenship, and Radical Democratic Politics</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>Question of Identity:</p>\n<p>-Freud demonstrates that the mind is subject to division between the conscious and the unconscious.</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>- Lacan introduces the plurality of registers - the Symbolic, the Real, and the Imaginary - which penetrate any identity. He also helps us understand the place of the subject as teh place of lack. This place is identified within the structure of identity, but is an empty place, and it simultaneously subverts and is the condition of any identity.</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>- Two different movements:</p>\n<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; - Decentering - prevents identity from settling into a set of positions and fixating there. Non-Fixity is essential to identity.</p>\n<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; - Nodal Points - Partial fixations by which an identity can limit the flux of their de-centering.</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>Wittgenstein indicates that the subject cannot be the source of linguistic meaning since it is through participation in different language games that eh world is disclosed to us. Thus, he also points to a decentralized 'identity.'</p>\n<p>Gadamer also points to a configuration of thought, language, and the world as the main window through which the 'horizon of our present' is constituted.</p>\n<p>Other authors use basic metaphysics to point towards a similar idea: there is no centralized identity!</p>\n<p>The convergence of ideas here is a general arguement against essentialism, against the idea that there is an essential identity that defines the individual. Mouffe argues that deconstructing the essentialist identities (ex. women) is necessary to allow the full development of a radical democratic politics. Through this deconstruction we are able to see the&nbsp; ' variety of social relations where the principles of liberty and equality should apply.\" (pg 76-77).</p>",
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            "note": "<p>Chapter 4 : Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>Quentin Skinner articulates a reconciliation between individual liberty and civic participation. (pg 63)</p>\n<p>-----&gt;</p>\n<p>Also requires \"an ethical character of modern citizenship that is compatible with moral pluralism and respects the priority of the right over the good.\"</p>\n<p>\" To be a citizen is to recognize the authority of such principles and the rules in which they are embodied, to have them informing our political judgment and our actions. To be associated in terms of the recognition of liberal democratic principles: this is the meaning of citizenship that I want to put forward.\" (pg 65)</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p><strong>\"I am arguing here in favour of a common political identity as radical democratic citizens. By that I understand collective identification with a radical democratic interpretation of the principles of the liberal democratic regime: liberty and equality. Such an interpretation presupposes that those principles are understood in a way that takes account of the different social relations and subject positions in which they are relevant: gender, class, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and so on. \" - pg 71.</strong></p>\n<p><strong>\"This approach can only be adequately formulated within a problematic that conceives of the social agent not as a unitary subject but as the articulation of an ensemble of subject positions, constructed within specific discourses and always precariously and temporarily sutured at the intersection of those subject positions.\"</strong> - pg 71</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>The distinction between public and private was essential for the establishment of individual liberty, but it was formulated to regard the private as the domestic and thus the realm of the feminine. This has led to systems that disregard female participation in the public, and thus the public/private distinction now stands as a barrier to the extension of citizenship and liberal democracy.</p>\n<p>Returning to the respulica/societas distinction that was made, we can understand interplay between public and&nbsp; private&nbsp; in a new light. Oakeshott considers that in societas, every situation is an encounter between the public and the private. \"every enterprise is 'private' while never immune from the 'public' conditions specified in respublica. \" (pg 72) Again it is the rules of the respublica that provide the 'common grammar' through which individuals can conduct their enterprise, and in adhereing to the grammar they pronounce their allegiance to the respublica, without being limited or controlled by it.</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>",
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