worth looking into about the 1847 convention
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Douglass escaped fromslavery in 1838 and rose to become a principal leader and spokespersonfor the U.S. Abolition movement. He would eventually develop into atowering figure for the U.S. Civil Rights Movement, and hislegacy would be claimed by a diverse span of groups, from liberals andintegrationists to conservatives to nationalists, within and withoutblack America., “The arm of the Lord is not shortened,” and the doom ofslavery is certain. I, therefore, leave off where I began, withhope. While drawing encouragement from the Declaration ofIndependence, the great principles it contains, and the genius ofAmerican Institutions, my spirit is also cheered by the obvioustendencies of the age. (Douglass [1852] 1950), The far off and almost fabulous Pacific rolls in grandeur atour feet. The Celestial Empire, the mystery of ages, is being solved.The fiat of the Almighty, “Let there be Light,” has not yetspent its force. No abuse, no outrage whether in taste, sport oravarice, can now hide itself from the all-pervading light. The ironshoe, and crippled foot of China must be seen, in contrast with nature.Africa must rise and put on her yet unwoven garment. “Ethiopiashall stretch out her hand unto God.” (Douglass [1852] 1950)[8], The battle with Mr. Covey was the turning-point in my career as aslave. It rekindled the few expiring embers of freedom, and revivedwithin me a sense of my own manhood. It recalled the departedself-confidence, and inspired me again with a determination to befree. The gratification afforded by the triumph was a fullcompensation for whatever else might follow, even death itself. Heonly can understand the deep satisfaction which I experienced, who hashimself repelled by force the bloody arm of slavery. I felt as I neverfelt before. It was a glorious resurrection, from the tomb of slavery,to the heaven of freedom. My long-crushed spirit rose, cowardicedeparted, bold defiance took its place; and I now resolved that,however long I might remain as slave in form, the day had passedforever when I could be a slave in fact. I did not hesitate to let itbe known of me, that the white man who expected to succeed inwhipping, must also succeed in killing me. (Douglass 1994, p. 65), Well, my dear reader, this battle withMr. Covey,—undignified as it was, and as I fear my narration ofit is—was the turning point in my “life as aslave.” It rekindled in my breast the smouldering embers ofliberty; it brought up my Baltimore dreams, and revived a sense of myown manhood. I was a changed being after that fight. I wasnothing before; I WAS A MAN NOW. It recalled to life mycrushed self-respect and my self-confidence, and inspired me with arenewed determination to be a FREEMAN. A man, without force, iswithout the essential dignity of humanity. Human nature is soconstituted, that it cannot honor a helpless man, although itcan pity him; and even this it cannot do long, if the signsof power do not arise. (Douglass 1994, p. 286, original emphases), What, after all, if they are able to show very good reasons forbelieving the Negro to have been created precisely as we find him onthe Gold Coast—along the Senegal and the Niger—I say, whatof all this?—“A man's a man for a' that.” Isincerely believe, that the weight of the argument is in favor of theunity of origin of the human race, or species—that the argumentson the other side are partial, superficial, utterly subversive of thehappiness of man, and insulting to the wisdom of God. Yet, what if wegrant they are not so? What, if we grant that the case, on our part,is not made out? Does it follow, that the Negro should be held incontempt? Does it follow, that to enslave and imbrue him iseither just or wise? I think not. Human rights standupon a common basis; and by all the reason that they are supported,maintained and defended, for one variety of the human family, they aresupported, maintained and defended for all the human family;because all mankind have the same wants, arising out of a commonnature. A diverse origin does not disprove a common nature, nor doesit disprove a united destiny. (Douglass [1854] 1982), p. 523), The unity of the human race—the brotherhood ofman—the reciprocal duties of all to each, and of each to all, aretoo plainly taught in the Bible to admit of cavil.—The credit ofthe Bible is at stake—and if it be too much to say, that it muststand or fall, by the decision of this question, it is properto say, that the value of that sacred Book—as a record of theearly history of mankind—must be materially affected, by thedecision of thequestion. (Douglass [1854] 1982, p. 505), …there is no division of races. God Almighty made but onerace. I adopt the theory that in time the varieties of races will beblended into one. Let us look back when the black and the white peoplewere distinct in this country. In two hundred and fifty years therehas grown up a million of intermediate. And this will continue. Youmay say that Frederick Douglass considers himself a member of the onerace which exists. (Douglass [1884] 1992, p. 147), The native land of the American Negro is America. His bones, hismuscles, his sinews, are all American. His ancestors for two hundredand seventy years have lived and laboured and died, on American soil,and millions of his posterity have inherited Caucasian blood. It ispertinent, therefore, to ask, in view of this admixture, as well as inview of other facts, where the people of this mixed race are to go,for their ancestors are white and black, and it will be difficult tofind their native land anywhere outside of the UnitedStates. (Douglass [1894b] 1992, 329–30), It may, however, be objected here that the situation of theour race in America renders this attitude impossible; that our solehope of salvation lies in our being able to lose our race identity inthe commingled blood of the nation; and that nay other course wouldmerely increase the friction of races which we call race prejudice, andagainst which we have so long and so earnestlyfought. (Du Bois [1897] 1995, p. 488), No Negro who has given earnest thought to the situation of his peoplein America has failed, at some time in life, to find himself at thesecross-roads; has failed to ask himself at some time: What, after all,am I? Am I an American or am I a Negro? Can I be both? Or is it myduty to cease to be a Negro as soon as possible and be an American? IfI strive as a Negro, am I not perpetuating the very cleft thatthreatens and separates Black and White America? Is not my onlypossible aim the subduction of all that is Negro in me to theAmerican? Does my black blood place upon me any more obligation toassert my nationality than German, or Irish or Italian blood would?(Du Bois [1897] 1995, p. 488), He believes the Declaration of Independence to betrue, and the Bible to be a guide to human conduct, and acting upon thedoctrines of both, he threw himself against the serried ranks ofAmerican oppression, and translated into heroic deeds the love ofliberty and hatred of tyrants, with which he was inspired from boththese forces acting upon his philanthropic andheroic soul. (Douglass [1859] 1950)[16], I must say that I do not see how any one can pretend that there is thesame urgency in giving the ballot to women as to the negro. With us,the matter is a question of life and death. It is a matter ofexistence, at least in fifteen states of the Union. When women,because they are women, are hunted down through the cities of New Yorkand New Orleans; when they are dragged from their houses and hung uponlamp-posts; when their children are torn from their arms, and theirbrains dashed out upon the pavement; when they are objects of insultand outrage at every turn; when they are in danger of having theirhomes burnt down over their heads; when their children are not allowedto enter schools; then they will have an urgency to obtain the ballotequal to our own. (Douglass [1869] 1991, p. 216), Copyright © 2012 byRonald SundstromGreat information to describe the significance of the Conventions and Frederick Douglass's role.
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