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"note": "\n- Was Jewish resistance any different than anti-Nazi resistance? (pg. 83)
\n- After the war, resistance historiography tended to exxaggerate the amount of resistance that happened. It was also hard to write about because Jews weren't ready to talk yet so historians were gentle about the subject. (pg. 84)
\n- After Hannah Arendt said that the Jews allowed the Holocaust to happen to them people started talking about resistance. (pg. 86)
\n- After, Arendt came out and said that waas taken out of context, that anyone could get suckedinto a totalitarian regime and that those who resisted in ghettos and camps were heros - but she was talking about armed resistance. (pg. 87)
\n- Hilberg has always maintained that the Jews did too little too late. (pg. 88)
\n- \"This interpretation may well be the Jewish analogue to those trends in general resistance historiography that point to 'societal groups and sub-cultures that defended their space through cunning and the tenacity of localisms', as Michael Geyer recently put it. Resistance, in this optic, includes 'civil courage' that was mobilized for small things as well as large, communal assertions as well as genuine assaults on the structure of nazi rule.\" The Jews were concerned with having a Jewish life. (pg. 89)
\n- \"This is what Bauer refers to as 'keeping body and soul together' - the essential task of the Jewish Councils which he labelled as'nonviolent, life-saving resistance'.\" (pg. 90)
\n- Resistance is defined as acts motivated by the intention to thwart those who are oppressing you. (pg. 90)
\n- People are starting to look at what constitutes as resistance differently. (pg. 92)
\n- \"In his work, Rings proposes five kinds of resistance, defined by the kinds of commitments resisters made and what they managed to do: (1) Symbolic Resistance, or I remain what I was; (2) Polemic Resistance, or I tell the truth; (3) Defensive Resistance, or I aid and protect; (4) Offensive Resistance, or I fight to the death; (5) Resistance Enchained, or freedom fighters in camp and ghetto.\" Author will try to fit examples of Jewish resistance into these categories. (pg. 93)
\n- My definition of spiritual resistance fits in with Symbolic Resistance. (pg. 94)
\n- Spirutal Symbolic Resistance meant there was a refusal to bend to Nazi terror and keep their own way of life. (pg. 95)
\n- Offensive Resistance = armed resistance. (pg. 101)
\n
\n
\nThis article was great in terms of defining various forms of resistance and saying that most were effective.
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"note": "\"It is this seeming ability of children's art to reaffirm the spirit of humanity as well as the will to live which has turned these paintings into such potent symbols of resistance. But can we use this material as a historical source?\" - research question, 2nd page of article
\n\n- Art came from Theresienstadt
\n- Have to keep in mind that Theresienstadt was manufactured by the Nazis so outsiders didn't think it was so bad.
\n- Art teacher Friedl Dicker-Brandei was in charge of the art classes. pg. 193
\n- \"First, there are those drawings and paintings where the novelty of medium and technique seem to be more important than the content...Secondly, we find themes where the particular topic follows a common format, such as celebrations of seder and Christmas images of home and the countryside - the largest single group - and still-life paintings of flowers in vases and pairs of wooden shoes. Finally, there are the drawings of everyday life in the ghetto, which are a relatively small minority of the approximately 600 artworks I have examined. What follows only discusses works from the second and third groups.\" - thesis pg. 194 - 195
\n- Gathers sources from other books and the drawings themselves. Notes in footnotes where to see examples of what he is talking about. He also uses interviews with the children whose art he is looking at.
\n- \"For the historian, the risks of over- and mis-interpretation are too great. In marked contrast to such paintings stands a smaller number of pencil and crayon drawings. Many of these are not centred, but start, like so many pictures by younger children, in a corner of the page. It is these drawings which so often focus on, or at least incorporate, elementsof daily life.\" pg. 197
\n- Look at second paragraph on page 197.
\n- \"It is the third group of artworks, the free drawings, which offer a first interpretative opening. They lead us directly into the everyday world of adversity and depict the girls' complicated relationships to people and objects in striking and surprising ways.\" pg. 198
\n- \"Child survivors have stressed the value of the daily routines in the homes, which stood out in sharp relief against the lack of structure for the children who remained with one or other parent in the single-sex adult barrack.\" pg. 208
\n
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"note": "\n- A discussion on the Jewish resistance in France.
\n- How can they help the Jewish children in France? (pg. 125)
\n- \"These questions may be divided into three categories: first, the tragic specificity of the fate of the Jews during World War II; second, the political culture of French Jews involved in the French Resistance; and third, the relationships between different forms of political and humanitarian resistance.\" (pg. 127)
\n- Wants to find out if the resisting Jews in France were part of a larger resistance or if they happened to be in France and resisting the Holocaust. (pg. 127)
\n- French Jews who survived the war were easily re-assimilated back into their towns. (pg. 128)
\n- \"Alongside the concept of resistance, in both its political and military aspects, another concept emerged, that of amidah, or \"making a stand.\" This refers to the unarmed resistance of Jews in daily life in a situation where their existence was threatened at every turn. The sanctification of life (kiddush ha-hayim in Hebrew, echoing yet differing from the traditional concept of kiddush ha-shem, the \"sanctification of God's Name\" through opting for death rather than renouncing God), the thousands of methods employed by the Jews in order to stay alive in the ghettos and camps of the East, and the maintenance ofJewish life in all its religious and cultural manifestations became identified as acts ofJewish resistance.\" (pg. 131)
\n- Being Jewish, politcal, and French lead to all of the different kinds of resistance there were. (pg. 133)
\n- Jewish resistance in France began very early. (pg. 134)
\n-
\n- STOPPED AT PAGE 135
\n
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"note": "This book is centered around the letters that Maria Krehbeil-Darmstadter sent to her friends and family while she was in Gurs and other concentration camps. Maria was Jewish but converted to Christianity before the Holocaust. It is significant because it shows how easily inmates were able to send and receive mail in Gurs.
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"note": "The Holocaust Encylcopedia. Symbolic resistance was very prevalent in Theresienstadt. Resistance here vs. resistance in gurs.
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"note": "The Holocaust Museum's Encyclopedia. Gives basic information on the camp of Gurs.
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"note": "This book recounts the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, the most well-known and successful example of armed resistance during the Holocaust. While my paper is not on armed resistance, it does show the hope the uprising inspired amongst other victims = symbolic resistance.
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"note": "\n- Tells the story about the Werhmacht officers who helped the Jews during the Holocaust. (pg.489)
\n- Mentions Tom Cruise. Hmmm....
\n- Talks about the Einsatzgruppen take over in Vilnius, Lithuania (pg. 489)
\n- Anti-Semitism in Lithuania was already wide spread so it was easy to the Nazis to prosecute Jews there and the Lithuanians were willing to help. (pg. 490)
\n- There was a large Jewish cultural life in Vilnius which continued after the Nazi takeover and in the ghettos (spiritual resistance - lectures and poetry readings). (pg. 494)
\n- There were also partisan resistance groups and individuals who helped Jews escape and immigrate. (pg. 495)
\n- Kovner \"sheeps like slaughter.\" Many Werhmacht officers were shocked by the actions of the SS and Einsatzgruppen. (pg. 496)
\n- Karl Plagge. Voted for Hitler but was disappointed by him. (pg. 497)
\n- Had a car workshop in Vilnius and treated Jewish workers fairly. Would employ Jews without any qualifications in order to keep them safe. (pg. 498)
\n- Led his remaining Jews to safety in an American-German POW camp. (pg. 499)
\n- **Uses survivor testimony and interview with Plagge to get information.**
\n- Anton Schmid - sought to save Jews and actively took park in Jewish partisan reistance.(pg. 501)
\n- Treated Jews in the ghetto fairly and supplied papers to keep them from being executed. He was found out in 1942 and sentenced to death and then executed for helping the Jews. (pg. 502)
\n- Got information from letters he wrote to his wife and the testimonies of those he helped protect. (pg. 503)
\n- The article says that the number of Jews the Werhmact helped protect is miniscule but it shows that the soldiers were capable of having morals and a conscience. (pg. 506)
\n
\nMostly gets it's info from the survivor testimonies, letters and testimony of Plagge. Tells more of a story than analyzes information. Does talk a little about Jewish spiritual resistance but focuses mainly on the armed resistance of the Jews and the hiding of the Jews by Werhmacht soldiers.
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"note": "\n- \"The camps, therefore, were a fundamentally importantcomponent in the philosophy of the new regime, as they provided a place where all anti-social elements, who could not be re-educated and were theroot of all evil, could be sent.\" (pg. 273)
\n- \"The camps, therefore, were a fundamentally important component in the philosophy of the new regime, as they provided a place where all anti-social elements, who could not be re-educated and were the root of all evil, could be sent.\" (pg. 273)
\n- \"Despite the deteriorating conditions, the camp inmates were determined to maintain rich cultural and artistic activities. From March 1941 one barracks in each block was turned into a kind of Cultural Centre where lectures, con- certs, classical plays and cabaret shows were held, as were art exhibitions of works by inmates.\" (pg. 274)
\n- Uses comic books produced by Rosenthal in Gurs in order to cope with life there. (pg. 275)
\n- \"However, the moral of the Gurs version of Mickey Mouse is that only a cartoon drawing can simply liberate itself from the camp and go to America, the current land of liberty and freedom. In order to make it quite clear which country he is referring to, Mickey states it unequivocally – it is not France, which has betrayed the principles of human rights, replacing them with cruel, anti-Semitic policies, but America, the homeland of Mickey Mouse, Walt Disney and all the stories he produced in his studios in which the characters ‘live happily ever after’. Happy endings do not happen to real people living in the reality of wartime Europe.\" (pg. 279)
\n- **irony of postcards, use it to explain your postcard** (pg. 279)
\n- \"The inmates, clearly, are no longer part of human society; they belong to a different species, whose special characteristics and behaviour should be studied by anthropologists. This approach was extremely prevalent in the anti-Semitic propaganda that appeared all over France, in both the Occupied
\n- and the Free Zone.\" (pg. 280)
\n- Director Raoul Gruel was just as bloodthirsty as the Nazis. (pg. 281)
\n- \"These artistic events became very popular and were attended not only by the inmates but also by members of the French administration, who greatly enjoyed the performances. The main burst of creativity started to diminish towards the summer of 1942 when the mass deportations from the French camps to Auschwitz, usually via Drancy, began.\" (pg. 283)
\n- \"According to the level of artistic activity one could have thought that the inmates in the various camps were always having fun. In actual fact, however, all those activities were simply a heroic attempt to maintain a semblance of normal life – ‘in order to survive it was necessary to mimic the acts of normal life’ (Diamant 1977: 95), as Rosenthal did in his graphic booklets while at Gurs.\" (pg. 283)
\n- Illustrations are jovial while text is very distubing. (pg. 286)
\n- Does not depict torture. It is clear they are there because of mandated laws. (pg. 286)
\n- \"Living under the shadow of death the inmates sought various means of defense. One of the most important, as it allowed them to feel almost human, was using their creativity and imagination, as we have seen in the choice of characters in these booklets.\" (pg. 287)
\n
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"note": "\n- Music in the camps has been regarded as a form of resistance. (pg. 601)
\n- Depending on which country the camps were in, the songs were regarded as either Communist or a celebration of that country's musical culture (according to diaries and the author). (pg. 602 - 603)
\n- Most of the focus is still on Theresienstadt. (pg. 604)
\n- \"However, apart from Inge Lammel’s pioneering research Lieder aus den faschistischen Konzentrationslagern and various essays concerning camp songs,18 the musical-cultural life in the very early concentration camps was for a long time a rather marginal subject within the field of scholarly research. A baffling aspect, considering that this is the pivotal point from which the phenomenon of music in the nazi camp system started.\" (pg. 606)
\n- He states that the focus has always been on proving that music was a crucial component of everyday life in the camp and that it was always there. (pg. 606) I'm interested to know how he is going to argue against this.
\n- \"Focusing on the conditions and diverse meanings of music, this study decodes and re-contextualizes musical activities and practices as part of the prisoners’ and the guards’ cultural behaviour, constituting the Lageralltag (daily camp life). Grounded in an ethnological perspective, my research concept is based on historical documents, survivors’ testimonies, diaries, interviews, photographs, drawings and other cultural artefacts. Rather than working from archive documents of the nazi perpetrators, this article relies on the ‘voice’ of the victims. Such an approach to the musical heritage of the camps sheds new light on habits, rituals and traditions of prisoners and guards, and makes it possible to draw conclusions about the camp system more generally. Furthermore, it helps in exploring the inner world of the camps, with their unique dynamics.\" (pg. 607)
\n- Wants to use music to show the varried backgrounds of the camp inmates. (pg. 607)
\n- \"Firstly, this article gives a short overview of the forms, functions and conditions of music-making in the first period of the concentration camp system. Secondly, it discusses the major influences of the pre-camp world. Thirdly, it explains significant characteristics of musical activities in 1933–4, and, fourthly, the invention of musical traditions in the second period of the camp system. Finally, this article aims to highlight the significance of music for the history of the concentration camp system and the inner mechanisms of daily camp life more generally.\" (pg. 607)
\n- States the music was more ingrained in the camps because people would sing at the inmates when they arrived. (pg. 608)
\n- In early camps, inmates were forced to form orchestras and choirs. (pg. 608)
\n- \"One must always bear in mind that music in the nazi camps was created despite the omnipresent mental and physical violence, constant threat of disease, random acts of terror and the prisoners’ awareness that their lives were in jeopardy. Voluntary musical activities, whatever their artistic quality, were thus very important aspects of everyday life in the camps. Music became a very emotional experience for the prisoners and often helped them to cope with life in the camps that was difficult in the extreme. Furthermore, music reminded prisoners that there were ethical, humane, artistic and aesthetic values beyond the life-threatening and terrifying camp environment. Thus music served as a cultural survival technique and as a means of psychological and spiritual resistance.\" (pg. 610)
\n- Vocal music was more common than instrumental music before the war. (pg. 611)
\n- Most performances in early camps were not illegal. (pg. 613)
\n- \"Music in the early concentration camps was not a rare exception but an important aspect of the prisoners’ and the guards’ cultural practices. A distinction has to be made between music ordered or initiated by the guards and voluntary music, initiated by the prisoners themselves.\" (pg. 614)
\n- \"From 1939 more and more prisoners from many countries and social classes began to be deported, and among these there was a higher proportion of professional musicians, artists and intellectuals. The musical traditions of these newly arrived inmates and prisoner groups increasingly enriched the musical life that thrived beyond officially sanctioned music. Now, the differentiation within the prisoners’ society reduced the opportunities of individual inmates to engage in music.\" (pg. 616)
\n- Guards also used music as an instrument of torture, harrassment and humiliation. (pg. 617)
\n- Music also was a popular Nazi propaganda technique. (pg. 619)
\n- Camp anthems also existed. (pg. 621)
\n- Existing orchestras were required to play for the SS in camps when they took over. (pg. 623)
\n- \"By incorporating anthems and orchestral music into the daily camp routine the SS created the musical traditions of the camps of the second period. At the same time the prisoners organized their own festivities, which were arranged illegally, in a grey zone or with the knowledge of the SS.\" (pg. 624)
\n- \"On the one hand, it was part of the victims’ individual or collective strategy of cultural and moral survival, and self-assertion. On the other hand, it was an element of the SS strategy of physical and psychological destruction.\" (pg. 625)
\n- \"Music in the camps was a ‘potent symbol of difference,...reflecting the diverging treatment of national, political, or religious groups within the prisoner hierarchies’. It sheds new light on the role of the arts in circumstances of extreme privation. Moreover, music in the camps gives us insights into the structures and hierarchies, the informal rules, grey zones and free spaces, ritualized patterns of behaviour and cultural traditions, and the arbitrariness of life in the camps which are not recorded in official documents.\" (pg. 626 - 627)
\n
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"note": "\n- Book uses survivor testimonies of women in the Holocaust.
\n- Jewish women were more intouch and assimilated with non-Jewish culture. (pg. 4)
\n- Most thought that the Germans were civilized and that they would not harm women and children so focused on the men before the war. (pg. 5)
\n- When men were disgraced before the Holocaust women took on all their responsibilities. (pg. 8) This was very apparent in Lodz where people had to work in order to survive. (pg. 9)
\n- \"Whereas most of these women explained their coping strategies as natural extensions of their traditional roles, with today's hindsight we see them taking on new roles in their fight for survival.\" (pg. 10)
\n- \"In analyzing three Auschwitz testimonies, Myrna Goldenberg (Chapter 18) notes some gender-specific coping skills, such as the formation of surrogate families and \"camp sister\" relationships for mutual aid and nurturance; and the sharing of recipes, cooking techniques, and memories of holiday meals to help cope with hunger.\" (pg. 11)
\n
\nKeeping Calm and Weathering the Storm: Jewish Women's Responses to Daily Life in Nazi German, 1933 - 1939 - Marion Kaplan pp. 39 - 54
\n\n- Jewish women attempted to act as though everything was normal but were frightened on the inside. (pg. 39)
\n- Because women were more integrated into German society than men, Jewish women were more upset over losing friends that were non-Jewish. They also lost the social and community life they had made for themselves. (pg. 40)
\n- Jewish women who had never worked outside the home before started learning how to. (pg. 41)
\n- Jewish newspapers encouraged women to take their roles as wives and mothers seriously to keep their families \"normall.\" (pg. 42)
\n- Women were sure that the Nazis would harm men but leave women alone so they felt more free to stick up to the Nazis. (pg. 44)
\n- Women were more likely to want to immigrate than men because they were home and could see the signs and were not tied to important work in Germany. (pg. 45)
\n- Women abandoned gender roles when their husbands were taken away to help take care of the family and to get their husbands back. (pg. 46)
\n
\nThe Key Game - Ida Fink pp. 120 - 122
\n\n- Teaching children how to survive and lie during the Holocaust so that their fathers can escape quickly.
\n
\nThe Status and Pllight of Women in the Lodz Ghetto - Michal Unger pp. 123 - 142
\n\n- 52.3% of the Jews in Lodz were women.
\n- Men had left Poland so women were left alone to face the harsh realities of the ghetto. According to testimony women were bitter about this. (pg. 124)
\n- Women had a longerr life expectancy in the ghetto than men. (pg. 125)
\n- Women were expected to work and take care of their families. (pg. 129)
\n- \"When the women returned home, however, they resumed their traditional roles and carried the greater portion of the household burdens. The numerous textual sources that have survived from the ghetto period - diaries and literary works alike - show that women took for granted their continued obligation to do all the housework. They did not challenge this role, complain to their husbands, or ask them to take on some of the tasks. Few women imagined at this time that they even had the right to ask their husbands to share the burdens in the home.\" (pg. 135)
\n- \"Many families went out of their way to eat at least one meal per day together, setting the table as they had in normal times and sharing their scanty rations. Some families symbolically marked the Sabbath and Jewish festivals by lighting candles, engaging in prayer, or cooking something more festive tahn ususal. In many cases, the family structure and support did much to sustain the members' morale and stuggle for survival. And in most cases, the living spirit in this struggle was the mother.\" (pg. 136)
\n
\n
In the Ghetto and in the Resistance: A Personal Narrative - Bronka Klibanski pp. 175 - 186
\n\n- Klibanski decides to focus more on her time spent in the resistance.
\n
\nWomen in Theresienstadt and the Family Camp in Birkenau - Ruth Bondy pp. 310 - 326
\n\n- Women were more affected by having to leave everything behind and live in ghettos and camps so they would try to make their new living spaces look nicer. (pg. 311)
\n- It took a lot to convince women in Terezin to work. (pg. 313)
\n- Women who were linked to more important men were treated better. (pg. 314)
\n- Women wore the clothes they brought from home and still kept up their physical appearance. (pg. 315)
\n- In 1943 compulsory abortions were issued and if a women gave birth she and the baby were sent to their death. (pg. 315)
\n- \"Many girls avoided speaking of food while hungry, but former housewives would 'cook' for hours, telling each other how they used to prepare mushroom sauce with cream or debating the preferrred number of eggs for dumplings. Some would even write down recipes, whose ingredients seemed like greetings from another world.\" (pg. 316)
\n- \"All the women's memoirs about ghetto Theresienstadt describe the war against dirt and insects.\" (pg. 318)
\n- \"Dozens of memoirs written by women attest to solidarity, mutual help, friendship, sacrifice, and togetherness even in the harshest conditions.\" (pg. 319)
\n\n
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"note": "\n- Book is a result of the girls from Theresienstadt coming together after fifty years to tell their story.
\n- They use diaries and memoirs of each other and others in Theresienstadt. (pg. 5)
\n- \"Anna Flach's album is no mere memento; it is a mission. She sees it as her personal responsibility to keep alive the memory of the murdered girls of room 28.\" (pg 6)
\n- The author is someone who interviewed all of these women who get together to celebrate. (pg. 7)
\n- \"No one living in Prague in 1938 could have fathomed what Hans Krasa, a prisoner in the ghetto from 1942 to 1944, was forced to witness with his own eyes; how his opera, along with other art and culture in Theresienstadt, was exploited by the Nazis in their pernicious propaganda operations. Who would ever have imagined that such a thing was possible? That one day the history of a children's opera would also be the story of an infamous deception and of the cruel murder of Jewish children?\" (pg. 8)
\n- \"This book draws primarily on the experiences of ten of the fifteen survivng girls from room 28, who took part in our annual September meetings.\" (pg 9)
\n- \"While enduring unimaginable suffering, the children of Theresienstadt also studied, played, danced, sang, did gymnastics, created art, wrote poems, and appeared in theatrical productions. This is why many of those who survived, particularly those whose road to survival also took them through the death camps, remember Theresienstadt as a last instance of humanity, a place where there was still love, education, art, and culture.\" (pg. 14)
\n- \"Until then, religion had not played a significant role in the lives of the Pollaks. They were assimilated, liberal Jews, and they rarely celebrated Jewish holidays....But now, in these changing times, her parents gave serious thoughts to their Jewish roots.\" (pg. 18) In response to Hitler taking power and attitudes in Austria changing towards the Jews.
\n- There are many diary entries and sketches in the book that the author uses as evidence.\\
\n- The girls gave each other cute nicknames, most of them animal names. (pg. 40)
\n- Helga writes of theather and puppet shows that she got to see in her diary. (pg. 47)
\n- People were allowed to send the children packages of food. (pg. 49)
\n- The adults in the camp had the girls celebrate the high holidays. \"Frau Muhlstein helped infuse the Girls' Home with a little of the spiritua radiance that Purim bring with it. But it was equally important to do justice to the lighter side of the holiday - to eat, drink, and celebrate the happy ending of the story.\" (pg. 55)
\n- \"A special attraction in the cellar were the puppet plays put on by Walter Freund, a lawyer from Moravia and the chief elder at the Girls' Home. In Theresienstadt he had thrown himself into his great passion, puppet theater, devoting every free minute to it.\" (pg. 61)
\n- The girls would do tasks for the elderly to remain useful in the ghetto. (pg. 65)
\n- \"Performances of dramas such as Trikena, or of a comedy about two old maids, Amalka and Posinka, which Flaska and Lenka wrote and presented, were the sort of creations that even someone as strict as Tella appreciated. What better way could her girls be diverted, for a little whilte at least, from the gravity and misery of their imprisonment.?\" (pg. 70)
\n- The girls knew that they couldn't argue or take sides if they wanted to get through their ordeal. pg 76)
\n- \"Daily lessons were a fundamental part of life in Room 28. Officially they were called 'activity time,' because while the SS had forbidden formal classroom instruction, they permitted 'activities' such as singing, painting, handicrafts, dancing, sports, and games. In the eyes of the Nazis, these pursuits were harmless. But an education in history, literature, and languages was dangerous.\" (pg. 79 - 80)
\n- When the SS was coming the girls had a lookout and signals to hide all of their papers that they were working on. (pg. 82 - 83)
\n- A children's opera was to be put on in the ghetto. (pg. 106)
\n- \"Friendship was everything for these girls - life, love, the future. A girl's own visions, dreams and hopes were refelcted in the eytes of her friend. They borrh drew energy from their relationship, took heart from it.\" (pg. 107)
\n- **OBSERVATION: It is interesting that the girls go through all the growing pains of growing up in Theresienstadt. I don't think they could have had crushes or these mini-fights with their friends in any other camp.**
\n- Transportations start and some of the girls start to leave Theresienstadt although none of them know what is waiting for them. (pg. 117)
\n- \"The bond linking the girls had grown stronger. Proofs of frienship multiplied. Each girl wanted to bring some joy to another, to solidify the friendship.\" (pg. 120)
\n- The children's opera was a it and made the children stars in Theresienstadt. (pg. 139)
\n- Quote from Eva: \"For me it's one of the most beautiful songs,\" Eva says today. \"It's about saying goodbye to childhood - and tht had a very deep meaning for us back then. We were twelve, thirteen years old, and our childhood was coming to an end. We were facing the adult world, the world of bakers, ice-cream vendors, policemen, and Brundibars. And the better world, the world of the children, defeated the adults and Brundibar, who underestimated us. During the time that we were caught up in the opera, we firmly believed in our victory.\" (pg. 141)
\n- For some of the girls, Theresienstadt was the first time they celebrated Rosh Hashana. (pg. 143)
\n- Friedl Dicker-Brandeis arrives in the camp and becomes the art teacher. (pg. 155)
\n- Girls make each other and family members presents for Hanukkah. (pg. 171) They move up the Hanukkah celebrations because many of them will be transported before the holiday. (pg. 172)
\n- The SS start building up the camp with fake stores to show the Red Cross but it tortured all the inmates. (pg. 218)
\n-
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