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==== notes ====

The shift from \"study of the practical arts\" to \"the practical arts, esp. industrial machinery\" also involved a mistaken value judgement (in a misreading of Veblen) that tech is linked to social progress. Thus the battles in tech studies over determinism

\"technique\" in continental languages refers to \"the methods and procedures of material culture, especially in engineering and industry.\"

Greek origins combine logos (discourse) with tekhne (skill or art)

Very often, it referred to technical terminology in the (fine and mechanical) arts

archaeologists in a foundational document 1882 choose to replace \"archaeology\" with \"technology,\" perhaps \"to include studies of material culture among the living as well as the dead\"

usage of the German \"Technik is similar to the English meanings of technique, i.e. \"the practical rules and methods used to achieve a given end.\" i.e. the technique of a painter or musician. But by the mid-19th century, the word becomes firmly assoc. with the industrial arts

we lacked Technik, they lack \"gadget.\"

some eds. translate Technik as technique, without realizing that they were redefining the English word, enriching the concept itself. Had this stood, we would have a significant distinction between technique and technology. \"Instead, Technik found a home in American thought by transforming the American meanings of technology.\" (496)

\"Veblen incorporated the German meanings of Technik into the existing meanings of technology to create a concept of considerable sophistication.\" (498)

\"Veblen found this breadth in the German Technik, but needed an English word of com- parable scope. Technology, even in its original meaning as the science of the arts, was as applicable to prehistoric human beings as to MIT graduates. In appropriating technology, however, Veblen also transformed it, moving its meaning away from a field of study and closer to material practices and craft knowledge.\"

the distinction between \"business\" and \"industry\" central to Veblen's work

After combining the idea of technology as Technik WITH the original meaning of technology as a field of knowledge, Veblen's theory of \"technology\" takes two different paths.\"
    1. \"Veblen developed the first explicit analysis of the relationship between science and technology.\" \"idle curiosity\" becomes science and \"workmanship\" becomes technology.
    2. \"…he conceptualized technology as the collective knowledge of the industrial arts--knowledge shared by the entire community--which allowed him to incorporate technology into his critique of capitalism.\" (503)

==== quotes ====

\"According to Marx, technology helped raise the useful arts above the world of grubby artisans and into the spheres of big business and the university.\"

\"I also argue that these new meanings derived primarily from the writings of American social scientists who imported elements of the German discourse of Technik into the English term technology, thus shifting the latter from its original definition as the science or study of the useful arts to a new one that embraced the industrial arts as a whole, including the material means of production.\"

\"a field of study concerned with the practical arts […]  die Technik in the second half of the nineteenth century, which referred to the practical arts as a whole,\"

\"Although extensively developed in German, the concept was unusual in English until the founding of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in 1861.\"
    \"MIT founder William Barton Rogers to choose technology over polytechnic,
which at the time was the standard\"

\"In this usage, technology was a field of study, not the object of study.\"

\"As economic historian Guido Frison argues, however, “the notion of Technik cannot be considered the heir of Technologie.” Technik and Technologie were the focus of independent discourses and almost never compared. Given that these two German terms are today translated into a single word in English, this lack of connection is remarkable.\"

\"The meanings of Technik thus consisted of two related strands: a narrower one referring to the material aspects of industry, and a broader one encompassing the rules, procedures, and skills for achieving a specific goal.\"

\"Part of this struggle for status involved a philosophical discourse of Technik centered around engineers. Philosopher Carl Mitcham calls this discourse the “engineering philosophy of technology” and dates its emergence to the 1877 publication of Ernst Kapp’s Grundlinien einer Philosophie der Technik.\"

\"the route from the German historical school of economics to the American school of institutional economics\" -- the most important \"agent in this transfer\" was Thorstein Veblen.

\"Technology, rather than technique, carried the industrial connotations of Technik into English. The most important agent of this translation was another founder of the Institutionalist school, Thorstein Veblen—without doubt the first American scholar to make technology a significant concept in social theory.\"

\"Around 1900,Veblen began using technology as a concept in his theory of social evolution. Technology belonged to a set of socially beneficial ten-dencies that were opposed by a contrary set of parasitic forces. On the ben-eficial side stood workmanship, industry, the machine process, and technological knowledge; on the parasitic side lurked predation, business enterprise, absentee ownership, and other pecuniary institutions.\"

\"“modern capitalism” (a term he rarely used, preferring instead “business enterprise” or “the price system”),\"
    \"He also endorsed his “careful distinction” between business and industry, a distinction central to Veblen’s own work.\"

\"Technology, in other words, became a key concept in American social theory as part of this critique of capitalism.\"

\"His original term for the technical aspects of these dynamics was workmanship, but this carried a strong sense of handicraft and lacked the breadth needed to cover the practical arts from earliest agriculture to large-scale electrical systems.  Veblen found this breadth in the German Technik, but needed an English word of comparable scope. Technology, even in its original meaning as the science of the arts, was as applicable to prehistoric human beings as to MIT graduates. In appropriating technology, however, Veblen also transformed it, moving its meaning away from a field of study and closer to material practices and craft knowledge.\"

\"Rather than Technik, insisted Sombart, the driving forces of economic change were human wants and goals.\"

\"Before Veblen, no American social scientist used technology as a broad synonym for the practices and principles of industrial arts—the technical basis of modern industry. Still, Veblen, always the careful semanticist, was not simply importing Technik into technology. Instead, he was constructing a set of related concepts for understanding social and economic change.\"

\"His concept was surprisingly sophisticated, in many ways com-patible with the nondeterministic understanding of the term that has been developed by historians of technology since the 1960s.\"
    \"“Technological proficiency” was itself neu-tral, neither “intrinsically serviceable [nor] disserviceable to mankind.”\"

\"He assumed that the autonomous development of “technolog-ical proficiency” was beneficial unless contaminated by predatory instincts. Growth in the human mastery of the material world served as the principal progressive motor of history. This progressivist, deterministic undercurrent in his concept of technology strengthened over time and is especially evi-dent in his last book, Absentee Ownership.\"

The Engineers and the Price System:  \"Most of the controversy of the book can be traced directly to this surprising role for engineers.\"

\"Many contemporary readers surely missed the irony in Veblen’s analysis, particularly his distinction between the existing engineering profession and the non-pecuniary industrial experts who would form his “Soviet of technicians,” just as many may have found an engineer-centered concept of technology in the work.\"

\"As it spread, however, the term lost most of the subtle distinctions that Veblen had employed in making it part of his critique of capitalism. The few schol-ars who embraced the term during the 1920s shed his abstraction of tech-nology from the industrial arts, instead defining it as equivalent to the industrial arts, or Technik. At the same time, social scientists jettisoned his antideterminism and wrapped technology in the mantle of progress.\"

\"in 1919, [Charles Beard] he helped found the New School for Social Research.He was soon joined by Thorstein Veblen,whom Beard greatly admired.66 Like many Progressives, Beard’s enthusiasm for reform was coupled with a profound faith in the progress of civilization. Stripped of its Marxist dialectic, the economic view of history promised that material progress would lay the basis for moral progress. In the late 1920s, Beard added technology to economics as a motive force in history, a shift that occurred at a time when his faith in economics as the principal motor of history was beginning to fade.\"
    \"Like most of his contemporaries, he did nothing to theorize technology and failed to recognize that he was adopting a novel concept.\"

Conclusion:

\"This hidden polysemy has contributed to a pernicious conflation of meanings that tends to reduce the whole of the industrial arts to invention, and invention to applied science. This conflation has profound ideological implications, helping sustain a mystifying, deterministic discourse that portrays techno-logical change as the inevitable fruit of scientific discovery.\"

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With the launch of for-profit educational start-ups such as Coursera, Udacity, and the MIT and Harvard-founded nonprofit platform edX, Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) have moved from obscure experiment to major initiative. MOOCs are online classes, generally composed of short lectures, that allow for open, often free enrollments (thousands can easily enroll in a single course), assessing students through periodic quizzes and discussion forums. With astonishing rapidity, these systems have captured the imaginations of administrators, professors, trustees, and pundits, but not always in a positive way. If commentators are to be believed, MOOCs are likely to radically disrupt traditional curricular models, academic organizational structures, as well as accreditation schemes, threatening (or promising) to do nothing less than, in the words of Alan Jacobs, “unbundle” the university in much the same way that the internet has been systematically unbundling journalism.\n\nTo date, few discussions of what Aaron Bady has called “the MOOC moment” have focused specifically on how new models of online learning may impact the humanities. The Los Angeles Review of Books invited four distinguished professors, some of whom have experience teaching online, to reflect on the risks and opportunities MOOCs present for the humanities. Our goal is not to offer any sort of final word on the phenomenon, but rather to inspire further debate and reflection.\n\nOur discussion comes in two parts. Today, we publish four initial position papers by our contributors. 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