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            "note": "<p>Citation</p>\n<p>One Hawai’i activist contended that these visits enable people to come to care about distant places and to put more value on helping to protect them. He stated, ‘It’s hard to fight for a place you haven’t fallen<br />in love with’ (personal communication, 2014). While these visits may promote this love, and get people to contextualize local grievances, do these visits build two-way mutual bonds of solidarity between activists?<br />Recent geographic scholarship has emphasized that transnational activism can be fraught with inequalities because some activists (those that have the time and means to engage in this kind of travel) come from positions of privilege relative to other activists who are more place-bound (Cumbers, Routledge, &amp; Nativel, 2008; Featherstone, 2012; Nicholls, 2009). This can result in the perpetuation of relationships of domination within movements or make international visits to sites of protest merely voyeuristic vacations and power-laden interactions that reconfirm and strengthen international inequalities (Koopman, 2011). It is important to consider the way these social movements – some of which make strong claims to having non-hierarchical or horizontal organizing structures – still contain members with different levels of privilege based on race, class, gender, sexuality, mobility, nationality, education and other axes of<br />identity.<br />While there are clearly elements of inequality present within the movements, study respondents mostly reported that the benefits of the translocal linkages outweighed the negatives. In fact, many of the movements used these inequalities quite strategically.<br />Some respondents pointed to the advantages of having visitors of different nationalities present at protests. As one resident of Gangjeong explained, ‘police behavior is different when internationals are present’ (personal communication, 2014). This demonstrates a tactical use of the privilege that adheres differently to the bodies of ‘international’ people who – in the case of Gangjeong protests – are subject to deportation instead of arrest; and who, if injured by police, could draw the attention of other governments and constituencies to what is occurring at the protest sites (see also Koopman, 2011). That said, there still were some critiques of international support.</p>\n<p>-pg 167</p>\n<p>It is becoming more evident that translocal social movements have become increasingly important actors that can affect local, regional and global political geographies. This is certainly true of anti-militarization social movements – which have had major effects on the spatial arrangement of military bases and training ranges around the world (Davis, 2015; Vine, 2009). It is, however, also true of many other kinds of global social movements that focus on human rights, economic justice and environmental causes (Brown &amp; Yaffe, 2014; Davies, 2012; Featherstone, 2012; Koopman, 2011; Loyd, 2012). It is therefore critical to continue to investigate the geographies of these movements and to understand better how they arise and how they cohere across space. In the case of the anti-militarization activism examined in this paper it is clear that transnational interconnections are a vital aspect of social movement activities and that activists see international solidarity as a crucial ingredient that has contributed to political victories. In particular, activists reported that in-person visits by people from communities with similarly militarized circumstances<br />helped produce translocal activist assemblages that bridged the vast distances between communities as far apart as Gangjeong on Jeju Island and Vieques, Puerto<br />Rico.</p>\n<p>-pg 169</p>",
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