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            "note": "The process of globalization is coming to bear a greater deal of influence on societies all over the world. This process is being shaped by a number of factors, none the least of which are the international financial organizations that seek to develop and formulate policies that they encourage their member countries to take on. One of the most prominent of these organization is the WTO. As part of the expanse in mandate of these organizations, the WTO has seen its mandate expand to encompass areas that were once considered the exclusive domain of national governments. One of these areas is intellectual property rights, which the WTO has sought to regulate and influence with its TRIPS agreement. This thesis looks at the way in which the expanse of the mandate of the WTO/TRIPS has been characterized by hegemony, in that it has largely reflected the best trading interests of the privileged western countries at the expense of those developing countries. As it pertains to intellectual property rules, it is argued that this hegemonic expanse has facilitated the process of biopiracy, whereby western companies use these western-style intellectual property regimes to patent and exploit the biodiversity or knowledge thereof that is held in developing countries. This thesis concludes in examining the way in which developing countries and their people are concerned about this process, and have advanced potential alternatives. These alternatives suggest action both from within and from without the WTO, aimed at reinterpreting the globalization of intellectual property regulations in a fashion that is more reflective of the concerns of the developing world.",
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            "note": "<p>See JSTOR</p><p>Political Philosophy and the Theory of International Relations, by David S. Yost&nbsp;&nbsp;© 1994 Royal Institute of International Affairs. </p><p>Abstract</p><p>The recently published lectures by Martin Wight (1913-72) on the history of Western thought regarding international politics are of exceptional importance. As David Yost points out, the lectures answer a number of questions about what Wight meant by &apos;traditions&apos; and what his own position was with regard to their validity. Wight&apos;s analysis and organizing framework capture and clarify a complex historical reality with greater justice and lucidity than many others that have been proposed. Moreover, the lectures place in perspective what has been the most indisputable criticism of Wight&apos;s approach-his &apos;Eurocentrism&apos; and neglect of non-Western traditions-and illustrate opportunities for further research building on these foundations.</p>",
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            "note": "10 The ambiguous text of this speech has often been interpreted as an expression of his support for Hitler's regime.11 During his tenure as rector he produced a number of speeches in the Nazi cause, such as, for example, Declaration of Support for Adolf Hitler and th eNational Socialist State delivered in November 1933.12 There is little doubt that during that time, Heidegger placed the great prestige of his scholarly reputation at the service of National Socialism, and thus, willingly or not, contributed to its legitimization among his fellow Germans.13 And yet, just one year later, on April 23, 1934, Heidegger resigned from his office and took no further part in politics.14 His rectoral address was found incompatible with the party line, and its text was eventually banned by the Nazis.15 Because he was no longer involved in the party's activities, Heidegger's membership in the NSDAP became a mere formality.",
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            "note": "Pangle attempts to clarify Plato's and Aristotle's theories of justice by considering how those theories deal with the moral challenges posed in the international arena. He then indicates the outlines of a Platonic-Aristotelian normative framework for international politics.",
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            "note": "\"New Wine and Old Bottles: International Politics and Ethical Discourse\" by Jean Bethke Elshtain is reviewed.",
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            "note": "Implications for the Contemporary World (pp. 23-51), where he draws upon the ideals of good government from the writings of Mencius to develop a set of just war principles which Bell then uses to critique the use of force in contemporary international relations, especially in the case of the U.S. war in Iraq. Bell describes one of the fundamental ways in which East Asian capitalism could be delineated from Western capitalism in the following terms: More precisely, the Confucian view is that the good life consists first and foremost of relationships of care and affection between family members, including elderly parents, with the political implication that the state has an obligation to promote profamily policies even if they place constraints upon individual autonomy (and property rights).",
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            "note": "The paper seeks to show that there is a distinctive and consistent method in the political thought of Hannah Arendt. It is argued that this method constitutes a salutary and potentially challenging alternative to conventional approaches in contemporary political theory. In contrast with approaches that adopt an unfortunately abstracted standpoint, resulting from the insistence that political theory answer formally to the requirements of philosophy, Arendt adopts a more mediated and phenomenologically sensitive standpoint. Rejecting influential attributions to Arendt of a method resting on the use of narrative form, the paper identifies key mediations -- epistemological and temporal -- expressed in modulations of the theoretical voice which mark out Arendt's approach as one which aims at 'saving the appearances' of the public realm. These mediations are identified, explored and exemplified by reference to a number of Arendt's key works. This way of characterizing Arendt's distinctive method is then used to shed light on the question of the 'missing' normative dimension to her work. It is argued that Arendt sees politics as a potentially self-regulating sphere. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]",
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            "note": "There is a set of mainstream liberal theory (which hardly covers all of political theory, let alone all of liberalism) that has taken an ethical turn, and we might want to lament this. Political design might not be political in the sense that running for office is political or maneuvering oneself through a messy power struggle is political, but it is political in the sense of pertaining to the public pursuit and organization of the good life.",
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            "note": "There is a set of mainstream liberal theory (which hardly covers all of political theory, let alone all of liberalism) that has taken an ethical turn, and we might want to lament this. Political design might not be political in the sense that running for office is political or maneuvering oneself through a messy power struggle is political, but it is political in the sense of pertaining to the public pursuit and organization of the good life.",
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            "note": "The enlightenment ideal has long been under fire, but perhaps by nothing so much as the continuing appeal of national belonging. The nation's affective hold on how people think about the world connects with metaphysical complaints with modernity, thereby making a rational response to nationalism especially difficult. This was an issue known to both Kant and Herder, who addressed themselves to the related metaphysical complications of nationality in very different ways. Although Herder's rejection of many of Kant's cosmopolitan claims is well known, the centrality of national affectivity to his religious approach to the problem of enlightenment is not as well understood, despite its equal importance to his overall critique of Kant. This article considers certain aspects of Kant's and Herder's rival enlightenment philosophies and suggests the superiority of Herderian arguments to understanding the way in which nations continue to play a normative role in a post-Enlightenment world. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]",
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            "note": "Hannah Arendt's The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), unlike her later books, is centrally concerned with the nature and fate of the modern state. The book presents a series of political pathologies - antisemitism, imperialism, tribalism, and totalitarianism - that Arendt regards as the result of failures in the state's dual mission to integrate diverse social groups into a single body politic, and to uphold the uniform rule of law for all. Her underlying conception of the state bears a striking, though unacknowledged affinity to that of Hegel. Like Hegel, moreover, she argues that citizens' mutual recognition of one another's human rights, as mediated through state institutions, is an indispensable condition for full human self-consciousness and agency. Her version of this argument is developed first through an excursus on the origins and effects of racism among Europeans living in Africa, and then through an analysis of the unique plight of stateless refugees. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]",
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            "note": "<p><span><strong>Roshchin, Y. </strong></span> <span>, 2010-02-17</span> <span> <strong>\"Friendship  as a Constitutive Element of International Order\"</strong></span><span><em> Paper presented at the annual meeting of  the Theory vs. Policy? Connecting Scholars and Practitioners, New  Orleans Hilton Riverside Hotel, The Loews New Orleans Hotel, New  Orleans, LA</em></span> <span><em>Online </em>&lt;</span><span><strong>APPLICATION/PDF</strong></span><span>&gt;.</span> <span> 2010-06-05</span><span> from </span><span>http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p416688_index.html</span></p>",
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            "note": "Scientific realism is a doctrine that was both in and out of fashion several times during the twentieth century. I begin by noting three presuppositions of a succinct characterization of scientific realism offered initially by the foremost critic in the latter part of the century, Bas van Fraassen. The first presupposition is that there is a fundamental distinction to be made between what is \"empirical\" and what is \"theoretical\". The second presupposition is that a genuine scientific realism is committed to their being \"a literally true story of what the world is like\". The third presupposition is that there are methods for justifying a belief in the empirical adequacy of a theory which do not also suffice to justify beliefs in its literal truth. Each of these presuppositions raises a number of problems, some of which are quite old and others rather newer. In each case, I briefly review some of the old problems and then elaborate the newer problems.",
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            "note": "While certainly not the first to portray Asian civilization as stagnant societies, John Stuart mill was quite adept at using the concept of \"Oriental despotism\" to warn the West that it might suffer a similar fate if its distinguishing features of individuality and political pluralism fell into a state of neglect. Such a state was imminent, Mill believed, because the tyranny of majority opinion had already begun to hold sway in most Western cultures, and centralized bureaucratic socialism appeared ready to take root in some of them.",
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            "note": "Some of the great opponents of tyranny believed that states are like living things. Plato is the most famous example. Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas, and Edmund Burke were also organic theorists and lovers of political freedom. Today it is commonly thought that organic theories reflect a totalitarian ideology and that an organic state is ipso facto totalitarian. Organic theories are in disrepute. No one bothers much to criticize them. It is simply taken for granted that organic theories exclude individual rights and imply management of all affairs within a state. If the dominant view is correct, then Plato and other organic theorists are guilty of a monstrous inconsistency. But the dominant viewis false.Apolitical theory that is organic by any standard and which would have us affirm the theses that are supposed to warrant or require totalitarian rule in states does not, in fact, justify totalitarian rule. On the contrary, it implies the desirability of other features, such as rule of law, limited government, and subsidiarity that are inconsistent with such rule.",
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            "note": "While there is currently a large and growing literature on the moral status and obligations of states and peoples in the international system, international organizations have been neglected my moral theory. When international financial institutions in particular are examined, it is often in a disorganized or contradictory way: they are criticized both for interfering too much in the internal affairs of borrower countries (mainly through the mechanism of loan conditionality), and for not interfering enough (by not using their power to protect human rights and other international standards). A consistent critique requires a better understanding of what international financial institutions are, and how they operate. After making the case first that such organizations are in fact independent moral actors, and secondly that they are neglected by existing moral theory, the World Bank is taken as a sample case. It is argued that the World Bank is similar to a private corporation in three ways that are important to moral theory: it has only limited resources at its disposal, it is marked by a separation of ownership from a class of professional managers, and it lacks the authority that comes from governmental authority. But to act morally in a diverse world, an institution needs a source of authority with which to act. A case is made that the World Bank can draw on the notion of \"epistemic authority,\" or the authority of expertise. This is particularly well suited to development work. Looking at the debt crisis of the 1980s, and the current move of the Bank into an interest in governance and human rights, it is shown how the notion of moral epistemic authority would change both the World Bank's organizational structure and development priorities. It is then suggested how this framework can be extended to other sorts of international organizations.",
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            "note": "A remarkable feature of contemporary political discourse is the dominance of morality. One legacy of logical positivism (which was dominant from the mid-1930s until the end of the 1960s) and analytical (or linguistic) philosophy was the reluctance of political theorists during the twentieth century to engage in substantive argument about appropriate social ends or individual rights and values. Philosophers were content to describe the linguistic framework within which related political proposals were discussed without offering any proposals themselves. It was felt that the philosopher was not especially qualified to give political advice or make any recommendations. The technical political theorist was properly confined to the second level of inquiry, that is, explanation of the meaning of concepts, not the first level, which was concerned with questions of how we ought to live, or issues of public policy. Economists and sociologists might have the technical skills appropriate for inquiries into public policy, but as to the big questions--such as the ends and purposes of man and society--almost anybody could make pronouncements. The important point was that reason was incapable of adjudicating between rival versions of the good life. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]",
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