*Education Crime & Deliquency in the US: An Introduction*
\nInspiration
\nThis annotated bibliography responds to a problem presented in Michelle Alexander's The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010). Alexander states:
\n\"They [former prisoners] are also routinely denied public housing and welfare benefits, and they find it increasingly difficult to obtain education, especially now that funding for public education has been hard hit, due to the exploding prison budgets\" (Alexander 190).
\nFrom there I began to question the relationship between education and crime: What types of prison-based education programs exist? How effective are these programs? Who participates in these programs? I soon realized that to disregard the link between crime and educational opportunities prior to incarceration would be unwise. In this realization, my section on juvenile delinquency was born: How does formal education cause delinquency? Can schooling be used to prevent delinquency? Who does the organizational structure of schools negatively/positively affect the most? The following annotated bibliography attempts to answer these questions.
\nOrganization
\nBefore going any further, I feel it is important to give my reader an idea of the organization of my bibliography. In the \"Rachel Sprouse\" folder are the seven completed entries for evaluation: three full-length books and five articles. In the \"Additional Resources\" folder is a secondary list of sources upon which I have commented, from which I have extracted quotes or in which I highlighted important passages. The \"Context\" folder includes texts that serve as either historical or theoretical context. Some works, for example Useem's States of Siege contextualizes my research historically, while something like Deviant Behavior provides definitions of theories I often encountered in my research (e.g. Control Theory). Also, the \"Further Inquiry\" folder contains topics for further study. There the reader will find foreign texts, older texts or experimental education projects in higher learning (i.e. Bard Prison Initiative). And finally, I utilized the \"Related\" tab to link texts that were either explicitly referenced in the parent text, explicitly referenced by myself in the \"Notes\", or written by the same author.
\nProblems Posed & Themes Throughout
\nI found that there are three ways of looking at the relationship between prisons and education. Secondary education in relation to juvenile delinquency, preventative school-based crime education and correctional or prison-based education. I focus on secondary education and delinquency as well as correctional education in this annotated bibliography. I do not address preventative school-based crime education with the exception of David P. Farrington's Saving Children from a Life of Crime : Early Risk Factors and Effective Interventions (See: Additional Resources). This is in part due to the lack of literature on school-based preventative measures and a plethora of information on community-based initiatives.
\nJuvenile Delinquency
\nThere is some debate amongst the authors I have selected over the exact nature of the relationship between schooling and delinquency: Is delinquency caused by the school structure alone or is produced by schooling in conjunction with social factors such as class and race? Are the deficiencies of the school structure caused by governmental intervention (e.g. the provisions of No Child Left Behind etc.) or by the academic and social labeling processes each student must endure in a school-like environment? Although neither of these questions are conclusively answered in the texts included in this bibliography, these questions do expose some of the significant themes seen throughout this section.
\nMusick, for example, claims that the institution of school itself is to blame. He uses rhetoric of law and order to claim that governmental intervention and the subordination of teachers and students to political policy, produces alienation and subsequently delinquency. Hirschi's article, on the other hand, discusses predictors of delinquency, such as lack of intelligence and poor academic status. He does however, also place importance on social class. Cernkovich and Giordano try to find out how race fits into the picture. Ultimately they conclude that without the further research for which they advocate, no viable conclusion can be drawn between race and delinquency.
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Correctional Education
Correctional Education presents another whole set of problems. Are prisoners not human too? Do they not deserve to be educated? Why are prison-based education programs not more successful? How do we improve upon them?
\nThroughout both the annotated and additional texts, the desire for inmates to be treated as humans resurfaces again and again. John P. Conrad in Adult Offender Education Programs reasons that there is very little that prison administrators can do to shield their charges from the social conditions, such as poverty and racism, that they are often subject to; however, they can educate their prisoners and alleviate illiteracy. Baudillo Navarro in El trabajo penitenciario (See: Further Inquiry) reminds his audience that prisoners are also members of community. He declares that reforming prisons will better society as a whole. Several authors, including Conrad and Mageehon, advocate for prison reform and worry about life after incarceration as well as the ever-present threat of recidivism.
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Choice, Rights, and Justice: The Evolution of Discourse on Reproduction Among Women of Color
\nThis collection aims to demonstrate the variation in discourse on reproduction as it pertains to women of color, specifically women of color. Within the realm of the reproductive rights movement dominated by White middle class women, the voices, needs, and experiences of Black women were largely excluded. As a result there have been several “updates” to the rhetoric on reproductive issues to correct the original exclusion of Black women. The texts included in the collection focus on the ways in which reproductive discourse is structured and the terminology used to identify it, drawing attention to the problematic connotations of popular paradigms such as pro-choice vs. pro-life.
\nWhen the entries are reviewed chronologically (either by when the texts were published or the time period that they examine), the discrepancies between terminology is glaring. Roberts, Smith and Price all discuss the need to adopt paradigms that address racial and socio-economic diversity. Roberts argues in favor of reproductive justice instead of reproductive rights because the former is often a representation of efforts to legalize abortions, which ignores the struggles Black women have faced to be allowed to have children.
\nSmith asserts that using the “choice” paradigm not only ignores the social structures limiting women’s abilities to freely make reproductive decisions, but upholds the exclusion of women deemed incapable of making such choices. She argues that referring to reproductive issues in terms of “rights” is better because it assumes that all women should have the autonomy to make reproductive decisions, but like Roberts argues in favor of moving toward a paradigm of reproductive justice. Prices builds on this initial framework and explicitly defines reproductive justice as an issue of human rights which seeks to consider reproductive issues in conjunction with other issues of social justice. Roberts, Smith, and Price are all relevant to CRT because they address the power words utilized in a legal context have when it comes to excluding or including groups of women in the discussions of reproductive health. The move towards justice not only seeks to include all (especially traditionally marginalized women) but also to broaden conversions of reproductive health to include the choice to bear children.
\nBortner’s argument is useful because while she makes supports expanding conversions to include the implications of “rights” to have or not have children, her failure to include the experiences of marginalized women demonstrates the significance of Roberts’ insistence to include race in reproductive discourse.
\nNelson establishes the unique position Black women held during the 1970s, which required them to fight for including issues beyond legalizing abortion in the reproductive rights movement and the struggle to maintain that within Black advocacy, there needed to be space to address the uniqueness of womanhood. Nelson’s discussion upholds the need for examining topics relevant to CRT from an intersectional perspective because Black women occupy a space that is unique from that of Black men (who often speak for Black America) and White women (who often speak for all women). Bond looks into the work that still needs to be done to empower the people who self identify according to the intersectional identity of Black women. While Bond focuses on the work that must still be done, Paltrow warns of the danger of not protecting the reproductive victories of the past (Roe V. Wade).
\nCRT focuses on how race interacts with social institutions, especially legal institutions. Each of the articles included in the collection reifies the need to constantly reexamine the access members of different racial groups have to legal freedoms as well as the additional burden placed on social actors when they fall into multiple minority groups (race and gender).
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Motives Behind Skin Bleaching Among Africans and the Diaspora
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This collection serves to discover and compare the motives behind skin bleaching amongst Africans, African Americans, and Caribbean Americans. In the United States, skin bleaching remains a private practice, but in parts of Africa and the Caribbean, skin bleaching is flaunted on billboards, promoted in music, and has become a major part of men's and women's skincare regimens. According to the World Health Organization, in Mali, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, and Togo, 25%, 77%, 27%, 35%, and 59% of women, respectively, are reported to use skin lightening products on a regular basis. While Africans are the greatest consumers of skin bleaching products, the practice is a global issue, as 40% of women in China, Malaysia, Philippines and South Korea are regular users of lighteners, and in India, 61% of the dermatological market consists of skin lightening products. This collection covers a broad range of topics, of which include psychological implications of skin bleaching, the effects of colonialism, colonization, discrimination, and oppression, and how racism and colorism function together as a collective process. This collection also debunk the myths that skin bleachers are subjects of low self-esteem and self hate.
\nThe articles of scholars Christopher A. D. Charles, Ronald Hall, Yaba Blay, and Kelly Lewis provide depth into history and how white supremacy has subsequently led to the practice of skin bleaching. These articles give definition for skin bleaching, and explains the characteristics of skin bleachers, and the unique reasons why they bleach.
\nThe articles of scholars Adebajo, Donna Hope, Christopher A.D. Charles, and Margaret Hunter serve as insightful resources that delve outside of the skin bleacher themselves, and into how the modes of society perpetuate one's inclination to bleach their skin.
\nThe limitations of this collection is that it is general, and there is no clear solution to the problem. While these articles highlight that skin bleaching has the potential to cause serious psychological and health problems in men and women, this doesn't seem to motivate individuals from using skin bleaching products, as the percentage of users continues to rise. But this collection brings awareness to the issue, and makes the clear distinction that skin bleaching is not a personal issue, but a societal one.
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Black Motherhood & Its Extended Tree
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The purpose of this collection is to serve as insight to the struggles of single black motherhood in America. In recent years, the term “family values” has become a rallying cry against the increase in nontraditional families in this country. The Black family, in which Black women are primarily the head of, has been a targeted unit for the issues plaguing our society. Much of the recent public discourse about women who bear children outside of marriage seems to reflect an underlying assumption that appropriate values are something these women simply do not have. An alleged decline in values, often represented in the media or approach in the policymaking, of these families headed by single black mothers have been the blame for a multitude of social problems, including unemployment, poor health, school drop-out rates and increase in juvenile crime. As a result, some people assume that the resolution to this problem would be the reunification of the traditional family structure. However, the provided authors and scholars introduce reasoning through qualitative research in order to contrast the governmental programs and policies that aim to bolster the traditional family structure at local and national levels.
\nTherefore, this collection aims to discover what are the family values of the black family and how the role of Black mothers is central to any discussion of public policy and the black family. The research explores how the discourse is influenced by racism and sexism, and that other factors contribute to today’s common structure of the Black family unit, such as Afrocentrism. This collections reveals how black single mothers extend out to people, religion, and networks to survive, and reveals moments when they cannot. Hence, their family tree is not as bountiful and fruitful as those of the white mothers in society and the dynamics of race, gender, sexuality, and values posit them as inferior and deviant within American culture.
\nMany of the works take on the qualitative approach and acknowledged the importance of interacting with single black mothers through interviews or shadowing in order to properly make policies that will affect them. Most, of course, draw from a historical standpoint, such as Patricia Hill Collins. Still, the qualitative data has faults because of its imbalance of subjectivity and objectivity in concluding notes and also, the sample size. We must question the availability of a single mother that is really struggling to support her family and how that extremity is evaluated during the research.
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\nThis collection responds to the problem of race in the sociomedical sciences--specifically to the fact that researchers and medical professionals often treat race as a variable in their patients’ health outcomes. Mainstream science and social understandings of race have made it commonplace to think of minority status as a risk factor--many Americans have heard that Blacks are more likely to be obese and that Mexican people are more likely to get diabetes, but few studies have asked why. If researchers in the field of sociomedical science are aware that race is 1) on the anatomical and physiological level, unrelated to do with health status, and 2) a sociopolitical construct, how can the unhealthiness of non-whites be interpreted from in an antiracist way? The collection of these sources aims to demonstrate that the study of history within the context of racial health disparities is both useful and necessary if medical and public health professionals are to improve the health status of minority groups that are oppressed by socioeconomic and political inequality.
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The journal articles in this collection--by authors Airhihenbwa, Chowkwanyun, Ford and Williams--provide methodologies and frameworks for understanding race as something other than a risk factor for poor health. Each relies on the integration of history, sociology and anthropology into the field of medicine, and calls for researchers to become more interdisciplinary in their work, rather than focusing solely on biology. The sociomedical sciences have become redundant in that researchers find repeatedly that minority groups have poor health rather than the reasons why this is the case.
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The full texts by authors Montoya, Nelson, Dorothy Roberts and Sam Roberts serve as examples of how the study of public policy and history can inform racial health disparities research. Each of these authors are leaders and pioneers in the field of sociomedical science and the public health history, and their works’ success is a testament to the importance of bridging the gap between science and the humanities.
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The limitation of this collection is that it lacks a clear solution to the problem of analyzing race in health disparities research. Each author posits that a better understanding of race and its history as a construct in the United States can be beneficial, and each provides a method for integrating race into sociomedical analysis. However, none discuss how this understanding can be put into practice for the betterment of minority health, which could be due to the fact that critical analysis of the sociomedical sciences has only recently begun.
French Colorblind Discourse as a Threat to Equality
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“Il n’y a qu’une seule race, qu’une seule famille, la famille humaine [There is only one race, and only one family, the human family.]”
\nDuring his election campaign last year, France’s president, François Hollande, uttered these words as he vowed to remove the word “race” from the Constitution. In taking concrete steps toward his promise, earlier this year, the French National Assembly adopted a law proposal that seeks to officially erase the word “race” from French legislation. While it is somewhat commonplace to speak of multiculturalism and racial/ethnic identity in the United States, in France, discourse around race is virtually non-existent; in fact, to accentuate difference in a public forum is considered a menace to French cultural solidarity.
\nThe collection of scholarly articles, interviews, and books annotated here thoroughly interrogates the absence of racial categories and race consciousness within the social, political, and cultural context of the French nation-state. With the exception of one, they all critique the colorblind discourse of France, asserting that the denial of racial categories marginalizes French communities of color, as opposed to empowering them (which it purports to do). While most of the authors ground their inquiries in anti-blackness, black identity politics, and Black subjectivity, others—Jugé, for example—ground their investigations in the construction of whiteness. Regardless of their approach, each of the authors provides us with insights to the mechanisms of colorblind discourse, detailing the ways in which it marginalizes racial minorities.
\nThe exception—the book written by Ford—serves an unconventional, but useful, purpose. I included it because, in the greater context of my research project, I envision it playing the crucial role of the counterargument. Ford makes a series of strong claims for colorblind discourse and against multiculturalist discourse, and I concede that many of his points are valid. However, by providing a space for Ford’s arguments, I can acknowledge that Ford is not necessarily wrong—after all, when it comes to identity politics, there is hardly a “right” answer or a “wrong” answer—but I will be able to more confidently assert that for various reasons, Ford’s points about multiculturalism are slightly misguided. Ultimately, investigating a counterargument will only help bolster my eventual claims.
\nThese works detailing the pitfalls of colorblind discourse elucidate how—although it is a social construct—race (and racism) are powerful forces within our lives, and they continuously re\\shape and re\\construct our positions and perceptions of others and ourselves. They are limited in that they are purely theoretical and abstract—they recognize the problems and thoroughly critique them, but cannot propose a feasible solution. However, their significance lies in their ability to effectively mobilize Critical Race Theory in order to explore the creation and construction of Black subjectivity and “blackness” within a “color-blind” society.
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Afrofuturism: Expanding Blackness through the Futuristic
\nThis collection hopes to provide an introduction to the field of Afrofuturism, and its relevance and insight to culture and Critical Race Theory. Harkening back from jazz artists like Sun Ra and theorists like DuBois to the present preoccupation with R&B artist Janelle Monae, Afrofuturism has become a way to “place traditions that didn’t quite fit” within the black historical narrative, as Professor Alondra Nelson has said. The movement is vast and varied, and focuses not only on the well known artistic re-imagining of blackness in the future, but also on the practical belief in the need to use the future and the technological to survive in the black reality. Furthermore, Afrofuturism complicates the post-modernist and post-race utopian narrative present in most sci-fi works, expanding the idea of the self with ideas of intersectional identities. Most importantly, though, Afrofuturism deals with striking a balance between working toward a progressive future while still remembering our past and its relevance, envisioning a way out of the constraints of blackness, while simultaneously remembering an essence.
\nThe journal articles presented by Kodwo Eshun and Alondra Nelson are central foundational texts to the critical theory of Afrofuturism, written not too much later than when the term was coined. They situate the future as not only a tangible reality, but also a commodity and structure of power that black people have been alienated from. Furthermore, they critique the idea of post-modernism as a “new” shift of identity because of modernism, mentioning theorists like Dubois and even the Atlantic slave trade experience, as an example of an alienating black experience.
\nThe books by Womack, Lock, and Flanagan and Booth, are more varied with their subject matter however. I advise that readers look at Ytasha Womack’s book on Afrofuturism first, as it involves an introduction on terms and ideas of Afrofuturism. Lock’s book focuses on Sun Ra’s influence on Afrofuturism, and Flanagan and Booth’s book discusses post-modernism in terms of the black woman afrofuturist and the intersectional identities she occupies. Lastly, the two videos and web page bring Afrofuturism to the present day, and how we engage with this theory in our daily lives. Janelle Monae’s video shows Afrofuturist aesthetics in the mainstream, and Molina Speaks TEDx Talk discusses Hip-Hops relationship with afrofuturism. Lastly the Shadows Took Shape Tumblr is an online source linked to the Studio Museum of Harlem that can provide a steady influx of new information about Afrofuturism.
\nThe limitation of this collection is it’s lack of comprehensiveness in all aspects of Afrofuturism, but the hope is to spark the interest to research further. Much of the innovation within this field of study is still online and on particular blogs, which is important when thinking of Afrofuturisms relationship with technology. In conclusion, Afrofuturism is a rearticulation and re-imagining of blackness in the future, both practically and fantastically. Critical Race Theory would benefit from learning about such a mindset.
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Due to historical, racial, and political factors, a certain branch of English has been branded “standard,” and the other dialects with which people communicate in their respective communities have been deemed deviant and substandard. The results range from increased school dropout rates to public shaming and ridicule to life-and-death decisions on character. Because it looks at the intersection of race theory, linguistics, and public policy, draws its sources from each of those fields. The assertion is, in part, that pretending to isolate such fields is not only unrealistic, but detrimental to scholars, lawmakers, and the public alike. The goal of the research is to locate arenas in which this gap can be bridged, to prevent the adverse effects noted above, and to propose some policies and/or campaigns that can increase awareness of powerful linguistic conceptualizations that have, until now, stayed strictly in the academy.
", "tags": [], "collections": [ "9E78ZHMA" ], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2013-12-29T04:30:43Z", "dateModified": "2013-12-29T04:30:46Z" } }, { "key": "VBGKX6M4", "version": 430, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 226023, "name": "CRT", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/226023/items/VBGKX6M4", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt/items/VBGKX6M4", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/226023/items/UBB3AUAD", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 1660410, "username": "bmc2138", "name": "", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/bmc2138", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "VBGKX6M4", "version": 430, "parentItem": "UBB3AUAD", "itemType": "note", "note": "Geneva Smitherman is a linguist whose book Talkin’ That Talk led her to be called as an expert in several Ebonics debates in the 60s. In this chapter of that work, Smitherman illuminates a groundbreaking element in American linguistic history. In examining the linguistic record, she contends that the initial inquiries into AAV (African American Vernacular), and its initial conceptualization in the minds of academics, were grounded in and bolstered by scientific racism, as articulated through biological determinism. She then introduces what she terms “the linguistics of white supremacy,” or the ways in which declaring a “standard” version of English is inextricably tied to race relations in the United States (77). Smitherman explains that the transition from AAV to “standard” English has been tied to the popular “up from the ghetto” narrative – that is, speaking “standard” English is seen, from within the black community, as a thing to which its members should aspire (78). She then criticizes linguists within the academy, white and black, for conducting their research using the media and not going into communities to hear AAV – what she terms “racism through benign neglect” (81). She finishes by proposing a program called “macroethnolinguistics,” in which standardized testing is made more accessible to people who speak different dialects of English, a shift in educational policy, and “public language awareness campaigns and the simultaneous promotion of the legitimacy of black English” (91).
\nThe insights in this chapter and the model Smitherman proposes is quite remarkable, and, if it had been implemented when the book was written, would probably have been quite revolutionary in the United States. Smitherman’s language, however, is slightly off-putting – she throws in casual asides and sarcastic comments that are not readily interpretable to those who are used to the strict, no-nonsense rules of academic writing. She attempts, presumably, to occupy an in-between space, demonstrating that she can use both AAV and academic English. She is, however, not quite committed enough to that element of her project, and the asides come off as her being quite arrogant, despite her excellent ideas.
", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2013-12-29T04:19:12Z", "dateModified": "2013-12-29T04:19:14Z" } }, { "key": "UBB3AUAD", "version": 438, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 226023, "name": "CRT", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/226023/items/UBB3AUAD", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt/items/UBB3AUAD", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 1660410, "username": "bmc2138", "name": "", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/bmc2138", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Smitherman", "parsedDate": "2000", "numChildren": 2 }, "data": { "key": "UBB3AUAD", "version": 438, "itemType": "bookSection", "title": "Discriminatory Discourse on African American Speech [1988]", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Geneva", "lastName": "Smitherman" } ], "abstractNote": "", "bookTitle": "Talkin' That Talk: Language, Culture, and Education in African America", "series": "", "seriesNumber": "", "volume": "", "numberOfVolumes": "", "edition": "", "date": "2000", "publisher": "Routledge", "place": "New York", "originalDate": "", "originalPublisher": "", "originalPlace": "", "format": "", "pages": "67-92", "ISBN": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "", "accessDate": "", "ISSN": "", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "AAV" }, { "tag": "Brittany Carroll-Watts" }, { "tag": "LWC" }, { "tag": "Linguistic Imperialism" }, { "tag": "Talkin That Talk" }, { "tag": "dialect discrimination" }, { "tag": "macroethnolinguistics" } ], "collections": [ "9E78ZHMA" ], "relations": { "dc:relation": "http://zotero.org/groups/226023/items/37NTV2JP" }, "dateAdded": "2013-12-29T00:22:16Z", "dateModified": "2013-12-29T03:56:45Z" } }, { "key": "A7R62424", "version": 428, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 226023, "name": "CRT", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/226023/items/A7R62424", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt/items/A7R62424", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/226023/items/86TFCJBW", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 1660410, "username": "bmc2138", "name": "", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/bmc2138", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "A7R62424", "version": 428, "parentItem": "86TFCJBW", "itemType": "note", "note": "Schaffer and Skinner, two anthropologists, spent two years observing fourth grade classrooms in a diverse school in the southeastern corner of the United States. They focused on how children of different racial backgrounds discuss, conceptualize, and perform race. The conclusion of previous research, that “race becomes salient at a younger age for black adolescents because they are viewed as racial beings, not ‘aged beings’ as are white teenagers,” helped them to direct their inquiry and observations. While the article mostly focuses on the emergence of predictable racial patterns – white students’ growing distrust of African-American males, the outspoken nature of the African American females, etc. – the code-switching behavior of one African-American student, “Linda” (the names in the study were changed to protect anonymity) leads Schaffer and Skinner in a new direction. They begin to see race as a “performance” – something that is put on and taken off in different circles, to differing degrees of success. Shaffer and Skinner comment that white students (males in particular) attempted to take on AAV to fit in with the more respected students, but their attempts to do so were ridiculed because the execution was found wanting by the black students (5).
\nThe degree to which Shaffer and Skinner are able to prove their point regarding race performance is quite minimal, considering the relatively small sample size. The insights they make on race performance, however, are quite insightful and hint at another level to AAV – a level beyond its distinctive sounds. The work suggests that part of learning AAV is learning when and when not to use it, even among other black people. This suggests that AAV is not only far more complicated than previously assumed, but possibly even more complicated than “standard” English itself.
", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2013-12-29T03:56:11Z", "dateModified": "2013-12-29T03:56:13Z" } }, { "key": "U56JJAAB", "version": 427, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 226023, "name": "CRT", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/226023/items/U56JJAAB", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt/items/U56JJAAB", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/226023/items/G9MVND45", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 1660410, "username": "bmc2138", "name": "", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/bmc2138", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "U56JJAAB", "version": 427, "parentItem": "G9MVND45", "itemType": "note", "note": "In this interview, Rickford is primarily concerned with giving African-American Vernacular (AAV) more clout as an official dialect of English. He begins by clarifying the fact that relating AAV to “standard” English is not a means of devaluing it, but a way of giving context to readers unfamiliar with it. He discusses the different ways African Americans treat common verbs (“to be,” for example) and the consistent way in which AAV sounds differ from “standard” English sounds. Further than that, Rickford emphasizes the fact that AAV is not merely a “collection of mistakes” (see Fillmore), but is a living, thriving thread of English vital to African-American survival. Rickford’s methodical analysis of AAV establishes the method behind it and, in doing so, legitimizes it. Furthermore, the interview format gives Rickford an opportunity to respond to public declarations that the AAV debate is “political correctness run out of control” (64), and therefore making sure that the linguistic debate is inseparable from the racial, social, and political ones.
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\nFillmore’s language is clear and concise, allowing non-linguists to give new meaning to the difference between “language” and “dialect.” Furthermore, Fillmore helps his reader understand that the respect of AAV is tied to the dignity of African-American children – and that dignity is inseparable from those students’ future success. In doing this, he makes it clear that understanding the linguistic elements of the debate has real, human consequences.
", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2013-12-29T03:01:44Z", "dateModified": "2013-12-29T03:01:46Z" } }, { "key": "DMHFK5GB", "version": 425, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 226023, "name": "CRT", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/226023/items/DMHFK5GB", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt/items/DMHFK5GB", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/226023/items/XSDE9F6U", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 1660410, "username": "bmc2138", "name": "", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/bmc2138", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "DMHFK5GB", "version": 425, "parentItem": "XSDE9F6U", "itemType": "note", "note": "The chapter “Linguistic Pride and Racial Prejudice” is meant to give the reader an understanding of the stakes in the African-American Vernacular (AAV) debate. John Baugh is a sociolinguist who contributed to a large body of research on dialects of English. His research helped determine policy in the Ebonics debates of the 60s. Primarily, these debates centered on how to appropriately educate African-Americans who entered schools speaking only African-American Vernacular and not the Language of Wider Communication (LWC). Baugh begins the chapter by tracing the history of the term “Ebonics,” establishing its origin as an “ebony language” and dispelling rumors that the name was meant to be a pejorative term (2). He moves on to an explanation of his experiences with linguistic prejudices. As an African-American boy, he claims, he learned what he calls a “linguistic parable,” one that he argues the United States subscribed to: “those who spoke ‘good English’ were supposed to be emulated; those who spoke ‘bad English’ were not” (5). He uses his own linguistically discriminatory behavior in the schoolyard, along with his development of his skills as a “linguistic chameleon” to illuminate the racism implicit in the distinction between “good” and “bad” English (7-9). Baugh brings in commentary of African-American pundits to introduce the concept of “linguistic shame” in the Black community regarding AAV. He ends the chapter by claiming that the discrimination against AAV in schools must be addressed in order for the country to “redress the linguistic legacy of American slavery within the context of providing equal educational opportunities to all children” (13).
\nThe book gives an introduction to the worlds that intersect in the AAV debate. Baugh here sets the stage for the combination of linguistics, race and ethnic studies, and the effects – constructive and destructive – that both fields have on public policy.
\nThe last statement of purpose in the chapter is rendered particularly effective because of Baugh’s use of a personal narrative. Not only is his explanation of code-switching and dialect discrimination quite clear and straightforward for those who are unfamiliar with the terms, but he very elegantly deals with the emotional ramifications of those terms. The embarrassment and shame he associates, at times, with both AAV and LWC, is very honest and rather touching. His declaration that the conversation on AAV is an extension of slavery is quite powerful and makes it apparent that this particular branch of linguistics is not meant to stay in the academy because it has such sweeping socio-political ramifications.
", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2013-12-29T02:39:21Z", "dateModified": "2013-12-29T02:39:23Z" } }, { "key": "3JDHDNC8", "version": 423, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 226023, "name": "CRT", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/226023/items/3JDHDNC8", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/crt/items/3JDHDNC8", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/226023/items/39MH4MWI", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 1660410, "username": "bmc2138", "name": "", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/bmc2138", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "3JDHDNC8", "version": 423, "parentItem": "39MH4MWI", "itemType": "note", "note": "This is the entire testimony of Rachel Jeantel in the State v. Zimmerman trial. Rachel Jeantel is the African-American female who was on the phone with Trayvon Martin when he was being pursued by George Zimmerman on the night of February 26, 2012. The testimony begins with State attorney Bernie de la Rionda’s 30-minute direct examination, continues to defense attorney Don West’s five-hour cross examination, and is concluded with brief re-direct and re-cross by de la Rionda and West, respectively.
\nBoth examinations are conducted in the usual fashion: de la Rionda uses non-leading, open ended questions during his direct examination, with a few generally allowed exceptions to establish Jeantel’s residence and background. West’s cross examination has primarily leading, close-ended questions to elicit the testimony he requests. Both attorneys, as usual, object during the other’s examination in accordance with the Federal Rules of Evidence, to prevent undue badgering of Jeantel and to make sure that accurate and appropriate information is conveyed to the jury. At several points, the jury is dismissed so as to prevent them from hearing sensitive and possibly inadmissible information. At every recess, the jury and Jeantel are instructed not to do research or communicate with anyone regarding the case.
\nDe la Rionda’s direct examination is succinct and to the point. He has Jeantel establish the relationship between Jeantel and Martin, describe the conversation the two of them had while Martin was being followed, and explain the reason she lied about missing Martin’s funeral.
\nWest begins his cross examination by attempting to paint Jeantel as a liar and someone emotionally involved with Mr. Martin. He then interrogates her involvement in the trial, shedding some light on the questionable tactics of the prosecution in getting her to agree to testify. There is a lot of attention paid to the information Jeantel gave regarding the phone call on February 26th, for she gave different information to different parties at different points leading up to the trial. For example, in a handwritten note to Martin’s mother, she excluded the now-infamous “creepy ass cracker” comment that Martin made while the two were on the phone. It is clear that his intention is to paint Jeantel as an unreliable witness. West also demonstrates the scope of Jeantel’s personal knowledge of the area, and, accordingly, the weight the jury is to give to her guesses as to Trayvon’s location and activities while they were speaking to one another. He attempts to break down Jeantel’s insertion of race into the Martin/Zimmerman encounter, without much success. He finishes by playing a section from an earlier deposition of Jeantel for the jury because there is some discrepancy between West, Jeantel, and the transcripts as to what she actually said.
\nDe la Rionda’s re-direct is rather short. He asks about Martin’s use of both “nigga” and “cracka” and whether or not people “in [Jeantel’s] culture speak that way” (5:31:40), but does not have Jeantel further elaborate on the usage of the terms. The rest of the rather short (10-minute) re-direct is an attempt to shed some light as to why Jeantel was not forthcoming with certain information during previous depositions. West’s re-cross is also quite short – he spends approximately five minutes questioning Jeantel’s ability to speak and understand English because it is her third language instead of her first.
\nJeantel’s testimony is a complete communication breakdown. There is not a single party in the courtroom – not the judge, not the attorneys, not the court stenographer – who can truly understand what she is saying. This is evident in the stenographer’s ever-present requests to ask Jeantel to repeat her answers; in de la Rionda’s requests for her to do the same; in the judge’s demands of the attorneys to “break it down” because “she [Jeantel] doesn’t understand (3:04:30); and, most prominently, in West’s several blatant attempts to paint Jeantel as intellectually challenged, if not mentally retarded. This makes it difficult for her to effectively share with the jury her testimony. The primary reason for this difficulty in communication is the fact that Jeantel speaks African-American Vernacular (herein AAV) – or, rather, the reason is that the rest of the courtroom does not speak it, and Jeantel is not as adept at code-switching as she needs to be to cater to the non-AAV-fluent members to whom she is addressing herself (though she is capable of it to some extent). Consequently, Jeantel is unable to communicate the incredibly crucial facts about the night of Martin’s death – the implicitly racial nature of Zimmerman’s decision to follow him, proper contextualization of the use of “cracka” and “nigga” by Martin, and many other issues.
\nThe ability of West to openly suggest that Jeantel’s mental abilities are below par is the result of many years of dialect discrimination – or linguistic imperialism, as Robert Phillipson calls it. No one in the courtroom speaks Jeantel’s dialect of English because there is a privileged dialect of English – the Language of Wider Communication (LWC), in the words of linguist Geneva Smitherman – that is a marker for class, intelligence, and legitimacy in the United States. The high-profile nature of the case allows the debate about AAV (or Ebonics, or Black English, or Black Language), which has been relatively silent since it was prominent in the 60s, to resurface. Debates about education in urban classrooms have been sparked anew. It seems to be clear, especially through this testimony, that the United States needs to have a real, linguistic-centered conversation about the perpetual shaming of so-called “non-standard” and “deviant” dialects of English – especially considering that the power forces at play here not only contributed to Jeantel's inability to communicate, but may also have allowed Zimmerman to be acquitted of murder.
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Although Asian, Latino, and white students tended to avoid explicit talk of race, many white students constructed black students as disruptive \"troublemakers.\" Black students were more likely to openly discuss race and racism and used race talk to silence or isolate certain students. 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Moreover, in the second section of his essay, Georges-Tin suggests that gathering statistical information on racial minorities should be a priority. However, he acknowledges that two “ghosts hover over the debate: the German specter and the American specter” (37). For many, taking a census of minorities would hearken back to the Nazi era, when numbers of Jews were recorded. For others, they worry that taking official statistical information of blacks would “de jure create a particular social category and would reinforce a minority-based line of reasoning” (38). However, Georges-Tin refutes these claims, asserting that the prevailing policy of French colorblindness “poorly masks a certain form of uniformity” (38).
\nPerhaps what is most striking and most important about this text is that it is written by a Black French male at the head of a major cultural organization in France—a cultural organization that seeks to defend the rights of individuals of color. Although the majority of essays and articles in this collection address colorblindness and its faults within an academic sphere, Georges-Tin is an individual who has the power and position to address problems within a political sphere. Thus, with this article, especially, we see the mobilization of Critical Race Theory in a decidedly political framework. He is not arguing for the use of statistics on an intellectual level, but on a level that situates his beliefs within French policy, as well as within the CRAN’s objectives.
\nNICE--The opening paragraph makes an interesting juxtaposition with S. Hall
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