[ { "key": "G9MRNVVZ", "version": 740, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/G9MRNVVZ", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/G9MRNVVZ", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "lastModifiedByUser": { "id": 971950, "username": "Harandaa", "name": "Geoff Humble", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/harandaa", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "蔡", "parsedDate": "1955", "numChildren": 2 }, "data": { "key": "G9MRNVVZ", "version": 740, "itemType": "book", "title": "Yuandai baihua beiwen jilu 元代白話碑文集錄", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "美彪", "lastName": "蔡" } ], "abstractNote": "", "series": "", "seriesNumber": "", "volume": "", "numberOfVolumes": "", "edition": "", "date": "1955", "publisher": "科學出版社", "place": "北京", "originalDate": "", "originalPublisher": "", "originalPlace": "", "format": "", "numPages": "", "ISBN": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "", "accessDate": "", "ISSN": "", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "cn", "libraryCatalog": "Open WorldCat", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "mlzsync1:0323{\"type\":\"book\",\"multifields\":{\"main\":{},\"_keys\":{\"place\":{\"pny\":\"Beijing\"},\"publisher\":{\"pny\":\"Kexue chubanshe\"},\"title\":{\"en\":\"Collection of Yuan Dynasty Vernacular Inscriptions\",\"pny\":\"Yuandai baihua beiwen jilu\"}}},\"multicreators\":{\"0\":{\"_key\":{\"pny\":{\"lastName\":\"Cai\",\"firstName\":\"Meibiao\"}},\"_lst\":[],\"fieldMode\":\"\"}}}", "tags": [], "collections": [ "4TG3PEP7" ], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2016-04-03T15:46:16Z", "dateModified": "2023-07-07T19:57:30Z" } }, { "key": "5TI2FPKB", "version": 739, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/5TI2FPKB", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/5TI2FPKB", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/569AP689", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 971950, "username": "Harandaa", "name": "Geoff Humble", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/harandaa", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "5TI2FPKB", "version": 739, "parentItem": "569AP689", "itemType": "note", "note": "

Mungsus inscription

\n

Mungsus 孟速思

\n

YS 12408 / Wang, Index, 2482

\n

Cheng Jufu 程鉅夫, ‘Wudu zhimin wang shude zhi bei 武都智敏王述德之碑 (Stele Describing the Virtue of the Wudu Zhimin Prince)’, in Quanyuanwen 全元文 (Complete Yuan Literature), ed. by Li Xiusheng 李修生, 60 vols. (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1999), xvi, 343–45.

\n

 

\n

雪樓集 6/5下

\n

QYW 16/343-45

\n

 

\n

武都智敏王述德之碑

\n

(延祐元年: 1314)

\n

 

\n

有元延祐元年春閏月癸未晦，上御嘉禧殿，詔賜大司徒瑪努勒父武都王述德之碑，命平章政事、翰林學士丞旨、秦國公孟諭詞臣爲文。夫褒功崇德，無遠弗錄，以勸百工，弼成孝治者，天子之事也。追求往牒，論撰世美，播之金石，勒示永久者，史臣之職也。臣幸得待罪太史，敢以固陋辭。謹按：武都王諱默色斯，伯什巴里人，世出輝和爾族。大父諱巴拉瑪，妣曰伊德根。父諱阿爾齊蘇，爲本部都統，妣曰巴噶呼圖克。王幼負奇質，年十五，盡通本國書。太祖聞其名，徵至闕下，一見大悦，曰：「此兒目中有火，他日可大用。」授之睿宗，俾視顯懿莊聖皇后邑入會計，恰當。復事世祖，日見親用。憲宗賓天，王首勸進曰：「皇帝奄棄臣民，神器不可以久曠。太祖嫡孫惟大王最長，且賢，宜即皇帝位。」諸王塔齊爾、額森格、哈丹等咸韙其言，乞從所請。世祖踐阼，眷賚益隆。會立中書省，平章政 [344] 事王文統奏以爲相，不拜。南征時，與近臣布扎爾爲斷事官，及諸王阿哩克布克叛，相距漠北，布扎爾有貳心。王知之，奏徙中都，親監護以往，上以爲忠。數命收召豪俊，罔羅側陋。使車所至，凡所引薦，皆極其選。詔與安圖並拜爲丞相，又固辭。上語丞相安圖、丞相巴延、御史大夫伊囉勒諾延等曰：「賢哉默色斯，求之彼族，誠鮮矣夫！」王剛嚴間敏，周慎端信。早居帷幄，謀謨密勿，世莫得聞。方倚之鈞陶天下，柱石廊廟，謂宜銘功象鼎，圃形麟閣，竟以至元四年四月六日薨，年六十二。三宮震悼，庶尹流涕，曰：「奪我良臣！」昭睿順聖皇后出内帑買地京城之西高良河之上，以禮葬焉。特諡敏惠公。武宗繼聖，追念先猷，制贈推忠同德佐理功臣、太師、開府儀同三司、上柱國，追封武都王，改諡智敏。配輝和爾氏、曰八撒术甕吉喇氏、曰怯牒倫並追封武都王夫人。八撒术生子四：脱因榮祿大夫、宣政院使、太府卿，帖木兒不花通奉大夫、翰林學士承旨，小雲者朝列大夫、安西路同知總管府事，也迭列平梁府達魯花赤。女二：長適平章政事廉某，次適畏兀兒氏。怯牒倫，順聖皇后諸妹也，生子五：買奴今開府儀同三司、大司徒、章佩卿，阿失帖木兒終翰林學士承旨、金紫光祿大夫、領太常禮儀院事、贈推誠保德濟美功臣、開府儀同三司、上柱國、追封武都王、諡忠簡，乞帶不花早世，叔丹懷遠大將軍、吉州路達魯花赤，月古不花資善大夫、中書左丞。女二：長適畏兀兒氏，次適杭州總管劉紹慶。他姬子二：火你赤雲南都元帥，唐兀帶中奉大夫、四川等處宣慰司副都元帥。孫男二十四，女三。脱因子，曰察牙孫，資德大夫、四川等處行中書省左丞，僧家奴行大司農少卿，本牙失里同知澧州路總管府事，五十唐州達魯花赤，荅納失里宿衛士。買奴子，曰阿兒灘，早世，朵兒 [345] 只班翰林侍讀學士；女，長適都水監卿帖木哥，次適翰林待制王合剌不花，次適大司徒阿僧哥。阿失帖木兒子，曰别帖木兒，廬州路達魯花赤，忽禿真州達魯花赤，寬者太常少卿，火你宿衛士。月魯不花子，曰狗兒，檀州達魯花赤，長安。帖木兒不花子，曰哈噶德福，托里布哈，長壽。伊德爾子，曰阿斯蘭，開成路達嚕噶齊。和尼齊子，曰舒蘇布哈。唐古特子，曰多爾濟嘉琿、伊伯格勒、長安、巴延徹兒。曾孫男林沁巴勒，女二，皆大司徒孫也。竊惟太祖皇帝仁聖神武，聞一介童孺之賢，即萬里徵聘而不疑，卒能收功帝室，垂裕後昆，前古帝王所未嘗有。武都王生遺華要，没享榮名，慶流子孫，光輔累聖，聯輝竹帛，襲迹王侯，非天之所啓耶。銘曰：

\n

殷湯聘莘，周文獵渭。賢知斯立，遐邈誰棄。於赫太祖，高視曠世。暨暨武都，拔自童稚。萬里就徵，罔敢或貳。聖子神孫，畀女大器。目光爛爛，出類拔萃。儲精槧牘，策足委積。謀猷帷帳，摧奸拉鋭。翼戴功成，再辭相位。聯姻戚畹，身忘其貴。海内延頸，思囿至治。云胡不憗，埋忠九地。載鍾賢嗣，克述克繼。夙夜在公，鞠躬盡瘁。羣公列卿，分符析瑞。中朝讓能，遐壤懷惠。河山啓土，如帶如礪。光融奕葉，期且千祀。豐碑有辭，天子錫類。

\n

 

", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2014-06-09T08:25:11Z", "dateModified": "2022-05-10T16:27:59Z" } }, { "key": "XFH4CXBH", "version": 738, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/XFH4CXBH", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/XFH4CXBH", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/M6BBV2TX", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 971950, "username": "Harandaa", "name": "Geoff Humble", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/harandaa", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "XFH4CXBH", "version": 738, "parentItem": "M6BBV2TX", "itemType": "note", "note": "

JĀMEʿ AL-TAWĀRIḴ (The Compendium of chronicles), the historical work composed in the period 1300-10 by Ḵᵛāja Rašid-al-Din Fażl-Allāh Ṭabib Hamadāni, vizier to the Mongol Il-khans Ḡāzān (r. 1295-1304) and Öljeitü (Uljāytu; r. 1304-16), in response to commissions by both rulers. As its title suggests, the work is a compilation of materials not only on Islamic and Persian history, but also on the Mongols and other peoples with whom they came into contact: Turks, Franks, Jews, Chinese, and Indians, which has caused it to be called the “first world history” (Boyle, 1962, 1971b; Jahn, 1967; Morgan, 1982). This is indeed justified, given its coverage and reflecting its composition at one of the courts of what could equally be called the first world Empire.

\n

Rašid-al-Din (ca. 1247-1318) entered Mongol service as a physician, but he came to prominence and power in 1298 with his appointment as co-vizier with Saʿd-al-Din Sāvaji. He remained joint vizier until his dismissal at the start of Abu Saʿid’s reign, only to be coaxed out of retirement by Amir Čobān (q.v.) and ultimately to his death from the intrigues of his rivals (Melville, 1997, pp. 93-94). The details of his life have been fully studied elsewhere (e.g., ed. Quatremère, pp. i-xliv; Morgan, 1994; Amitai-Preiss; Rajabzāda, pp. 30-65), as has his Jewish background (Fischel, pp. 118-25; Netzer; ed. Rowšan and Musawi, Intro., pp. 73-81); one possible consequence of the latter may be that he was comfortable approaching Islamic history from a different perspective than was usual; this is certainly reflected in his work. It is perhaps also seen in his inclusion of a history of the Jews in the second volume (see below). He was a prolific author and wrote on many practical and theoretical subjects aside from the Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ (see, e.g., Jahn, 1964; van Ess; Allsen, 1996, pp. 14-15; Rajabzāda, pp. 302-25). Although several aspects of his life and background may have affected his historical writing, the most important factors are his intimate access to the two Mongol rulers, Ḡāzān and Öljeitü (Uljāytu), and his high position at the center of government. He also supported the work of other historians; in 1303, for example, he presented the historian Šaraf-al-Din ʿAbd-Allāh Waṣṣāf-e Ḥaẓrat and his work to Ḡāzān at ʿĀna on the Euphrates (Waṣṣāf, pp. 305-7), and inspired several later authors (see below).

\n

While there is little reason to doubt Rašid-al-Din’s overall authorship of the Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ, the work has generally been considered a collective effort, partly carried out by research assistants (Bira, pp. 96-97). The best evidence of this is the notorious claim by Abu’l-Qāsem Qāšāni that Rašid-al-Din had “stolen” his work (see Qāšāni, 1969, esp. pp. 54-55, 240-41; Zaryāb, pp. 134-35; Morgan, 1997, esp. pp. 182-83; Rajabzāda, pp. 351-53). The context of the final complaint is a story praising Öljeitü’s generosity, none of which, however, benefited Qāšāni. The work in question is here called the Ḏayl-e Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ, and could therefore refer either to the second part of the chronicle, commissioned by Öljeitü, concerning Islamic history and the people of the world, or to the history of Öljeitü himself, which has not been recovered. In the first instance, it is worth recalling that Qāšāni did write a general history (entitled Zobdat-al-tawāriḵ) that covers much the same ground as Rašid-al-Din (Blochet, 1910, pp. 132-57). Secondly, Qāšāni’s history of Öljeitü, as it stands, in the same format as the histories of the previous Il-khans, could resemble the drafts for those earlier reigns. It seems unlikely that Rašid-al-Din’s version was ever completed; the copy reportedly sighted by Togan in Mashad turns out to be the text continued by Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru (q.v.; see Ṣayyād, pp. 279-80). As noted by A. H. Morton (in Ẓahir-al-Din Nišāpuri, Introd., pp. 25-27), there are other grounds for believing that Qāšāni’s claims are not entirely baseless. Certainly, assistants were used, together with named collaborators and informants, for the sections outside Rašid-al-Din’s area of knowledge, such as the Kashmiri monk Kamāl-ashri for the life and teachings of Buddha (Jahn, 1956), and Chinese, Uighur, Qepčaq, and other scholars resident at court (on Rašid-al-Din’s sources, see, e.g., idem, ed. Rowšan and Musawi, Intro., pp. 57-63). It was probably written, like the contemporary Chinese histories of the Chin and Liao, by a committee of historians, as part of an empire-wide project to record the early history of the dynasty (Allsen, 2001, pp. 95-101).

\n

For the first part of the chronicle (see below), apart from the ruler himself, Rašid-al-Din acknowledges the crucial role played by the Yüan envoy in Iran, Bolad Ch’eng-hsiang, an unrivalled authority on the early history of the Mongols, in giving him access to the Mongols’ own record of their history (ed. Rowšan and Musawi, pp. 35, 1338; Boyle, 1971a, p. 3; see also Allsen, 1996, p. 13, and idem, 2001, pp. 84-85, concerning Bolad’s own use of assistants). Zeki Velidi Togan (1962, pp. 63-68) proposed that this “Mongol” part of the world history is little more than a Persian translation of a Mongolian original, an idea that has attracted both criticism and support (Morgan, 1997, pp. 183-84; Bira, p. 98). Rašid-al-Din’s use of Mongol sources has been analyzed by John Andrew Boyle (1962, 1971a), Thomas Allsen (2001, pp. 88-91), and Shagdaryn Bira, and is revealed also by his use of the animal calendar (Melville, 1994). It is clear at least that much scattered material, both archival and orally transmitted by Bolad and including information found in the so-called Altan debter “Golden register” (see ed. Rowšan and Musawi, pp. 186, 227, 235) was combined with sources such as ʿAlāʾ-al-Din ʿAṭā-Malek Jovayni, (see, e.g., Minorsky, pp. 222-28, for his account of the Mongol conquests in Russia and the Caucasus) and Ebn al-Aṯir (q.v., to whom Rašid-al-Din himself refers; ed. Rowšan and Musawi, p. 306), to produce a narrative with a very distinctive idiom, terminology, and structure, quite unlike anything produced by previous Muslim historians.

\n

Contents. Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ is divided into two volumes of unequal length, which prompted Edward G. Browne (1929-30, III, pp. 72-74) to propose a different scheme of contents. Rašid-al-Din’s own structure, however, addresses two fundamental questions that correspond to the circumstances of the empire at the time of writing: who were these nomadic people who conquered the world, and what was that world? (Toynbee, X, pp. 75, 79). The set had also a third volume that was devoted to geography, but is not known to be extant.

\n

Volume one. This volume, divided into five parts, has been published in a composite edition by Bahman Karimi and in a new complete edition by Rowšan and Musawi; a complete English translation by Wheeler M. Thackston (pp. vii-x) includes references to other partial editions and translations (for the Russ. publications, see Arends, pp. 42-43, 50-51; see also Rajabzāda, pp. 331-33, 358-60).

\n

The first part is a history of the Mongolian and Turkic peoples and tribes (ed. Berezin, 1861; Russ. tr. idem, 1858; ed. Romaskevitz et al., 1965; Russ. tr. and commentary, Khetagurov and Semenov, 1952), followed first by the history of the Mongols before the rise of Čengiz Khan (q.v.; tr. Brezin, 1868; ed. idem, 1888) and then his times and life (ed. and Russ. tr. Berezin, 1888; Russ. tr. and commentary, Smirnova and Pankratov, 1952) in the next two parts. The final two parts are devoted to Čengiz Khan’s successors from Ögedei to Temür Khagan (ed. Blochet, 1911; ed. Karimi, 1934; partial ed., ʿAlizāda, 1980, “Ögedei” only; Russ. tr. Verkhovskii, 1960; Eng. tr. Boyle, 1971) and the history of the Il-khans of Persia from Hülegü to the death of Ḡāzān (ed.ʿAlizāda, 1957; Russ. tr. Arends, 1946, 2nd ed. 1957; partial ed., with Fr. tr., Quatremère, 1836, “Hülegü” only; Jahn, 1940, “Ḡāzān;” Jahn, 1957, “Abaqa to Gayḵātu;” partial tr. Martinez, 1986-88, 1992-94).

\n

Volume two. This volume, which has not yet been edited in its entirety (for mss., see Bibliography), was originally divided into two parts. The first part, on the history of Öljeitü, is missing, and the second part is divided into a couple of sections, each one made of a number of subsections:

\n

The second part starts with a preface on Adam, the Patriarchs, and the biblical prophets (uned.), followed by a history of pre-Islamic rulers in four subsections (uned.; mss. in John Rylands University Library, Manchester, no. 406; Punjab University Library, Lahore, ms. 94/25; Arabic version in Edinburgh University Library, Arabic ms. 20). The next section treats the Islamic history from the time of the Prophet Moḥammad and the caliphate (uned.; mss. at Tehran University, Faculty of Letters, ms. 76-b; Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg, E. 5; partly in Edinburgh, Arabic ms. 20; part in Khalili MSS 727, facs. ed. Sheila Blair, 1995) to the year 1258. This section also treats Persian independent dynasties, including the Ghaznavids and their predecessors (ed. Ateş, 1957, repr. Dabirsiāqi, 1959), the Saljuqs (ed. A. Ateş, 1960; Eng. tr. Luther, 2001), Ḵᵛārazmšāhs (uned.; mss. at Bibliothèque nationale, Suppl. persan 1364; British Library, Or. 1684; St. Petersburg, Institute of Oriental Studies, C. 374, fragment; partly in Edinburgh, Arabic ms. 20), the Salghurids (uned.; mss. at Bibliothèque nationale, Suppl. persan 1364; British Library, Or. 1684), and a Supplement on the Fatimids and Ismaʿilis, (ed. Dabirsiāqi, 1958; ed. Dānešpažuh and Modarresi Zanjāni).

\n

The second section of this part is on the (other) people of the world encountered by the Mongols, including Oghuz Turks (Ger. tr. Jahn, 1969, with facs. illustrations; tr. Zeki Validi Togan, 1972; tr. Shukyurova; ed. Rowšan, 2005a), the Chinese (facs. ed. of Topkapı Saray, Istanbul, H. 1653 and Royal Asiatic Soc. ms. A.27 = Khalili MSS727, with Ger. tr. Jahn, 1971; ed. Wang Yidan, 2000; Rowšan, 2006), Jews (facs. ed. of Topkapı Saray, Istanbul, H. 1654, and Royal Asiatic Soc. A.27 = Khalili, MSS727, with Ger. tr., Jahn, 1973), Franks, their emperors, and popes (ed. and Fr. tr. Jahn, 1951; Pers. text, repr. Dabirsiāqi, 1960; facs. ed. of Topkapı Saray, Istanbul, H. 1654, H. 1653, and Sultan Ahmed III, no. 2935, with Ger. tr., Jahn, 1977; ed. M. Rowšan, 2005b), and Indians (facs. ed. of Royal Asiatic Soc. ms. A.27 = Khalili MSS727, British Library, Add. 7628, and Topkapı Saray, Istanbul, H. 1654, in Jahn, 1965; 2nd ed., with Ger. tr., Jahn, 1980; ed. Rowšan, 2005c).

\n

Rašid-al-Din does not specify when his work began, though he seems to have been collecting material for some time before he was invited to compose his history. Ḥamd-Allāh Mostawfi appears to link the commission with Ḡāzān’s calendar reform, initiating the Ḵāni era in 701/1302 and his desire to leave a good name in the world (Ẓafar-nāma, p. 1414; cf. Šams-al-Din Kāšāni, fol. 4r). Ḡāzān’s stated aim was to preserve the Mongols’ identity and knowledge of their past, but also to make it more widely known. Much material concerning the Mongols was until then secret and kept in archives that consisted of books and scrolls with no particular order and in danger of being forgotten (Rašid-al-Din, ed. Rowšan and Musawi, pp. 34-36; cf. Toynbee, X, pp. 75-78).

\n

One reason for preserving this memory was certainly highly practical, and explains the strong emphasis not only on the tribal origins and genealogies of the leading Mongol families but also especially on the genealogy of the ruling dynasty. As the political unity of the empire dissolved and succession crises became more frequent, it was important to reaffirm not only the identity of the ruling clan (in its descent from the mythical Alan Qoa) but also its dynastic legitimacy. Detailed genealogical information runs like a strong thread through the core of the Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ, not only in the remarkably full accounts of the Turkish and Mongol tribes with which the work begins, but also appearing again at the outset of every reign: the principles of the organization of the work and its aims being explained again at the start of the section on the life of Čengiz Khan (ed. Rowšan and Musawi, p. 306). To these genealogical charts, incidentally, Rašid-al-Din also intended to add portraits of the rulers and their families, an element that has scarcely survived in the remaining manuscripts of his work (see below). In addition, a whole volume of genealogical information seems to have been conceived as an appendix to the work, in theŠoʿāb-e panjgāna, which still remains unedited (Topkapı Saray, Istanbul, ms. Ahmet III, 2937; see Togan, 1962, pp. 68-71; Quinn; Allsen, 2001, p. 92).

\n

The Jāmeʿ-al-tawāriḵ, then, is an official history, but it is characterized by a matter-of-fact tone and a refreshing absence of sycophantic flattery, even in the sections on Ḡāzān Khan himself, though the description of his reign is the main goal and purpose of the work (ed. Rowšan and Musawi, pp. 30-31, 307). At one moment, Rašid-al-Din is moved to consider Ḡāzān to be a Muslim saint (wali; idem, p. 1317), but he is praised chiefly for bringing Islam to the Mongols and thereby revealing and accomplishing God’s purpose in the career of Čengiz Khan and the destruction that he wrought. The narrative of historical events and anecdotes is lively and gains immediacy from many passages of direct speech and conversation (e.g. concerning the episode of Barāq, in the reign of Abaqa; ed. Rowšan and Musawi, pp. 1065-96). This, no doubt, reflects the important role of his oral sources of information, which in this case probably included the Amir Nowruz, who is specifically mentioned as an informant (ed. Rowšan and Musawi, p. 627). The organization of material does lead to some duplication (the story of Barāq is a case in point), and also some confusion in the histories of the rulers contemporary with the various Mongol khans; but, unlike the writings of Jovayni, his immediate predecessor, Rašid-al-Din’s work has a strong structural coherence to which the author regularly draws attention, while, at the same time, never failing to provide short, helpful passages linking the various sections of the chronicle.

\n

Rašid-al-Din is remarkably frank about the shortcomings of early Mongol rule in Persia, but he is seldom overtly judgmental, offering little by way of personal opinion and even less of the moralizing tone that was a conspicuous aspect of the work of earlier historians such as Jovayni. One rare exception is his verdict on the reign of Aḥmad Takudār, whom he characterizes simply as a ruler unable to deliver justice, using personal experience from the time when he was in the service of the Jovaynis in Baghdad to illustrate the point (tr. Thackston, pp. 559-60; omitted from the edition of Rowšan and Musawi). The Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ does, nevertheless, have something of the style of a mirror for princes in the final third section of each reign, in which the author relates the character and customs, good deeds and words of the ruler, starting with the biligs (adages or maxims) of Čengiz Khan and Ögedei (Ukatāy; ed. Rowšan and Musawi, pp. 581-91, 676-705, the latter lifted directly from Jovayni, pp. 161-91). This section is particularly prominent in its account of Ḡāzān, describing in detail the ruler’s various reforms. This undoubtedly provides an idealized vision of the state that owes much to Rašid-al-Din’s own initiative; nevertheless, he could not have written in the way he did without a very real respect for Ḡāzān’s ability and character, and absolute confidence in his support.

\n

Ḡāzān Khan’s history, as the first part of the Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ is called, was not completed before Ḡāzān’s death in 1304. His brother and successor Öljeitü ordered it to be finished in two further volumes: one including an account of his reign, to be compiled as it progressed, a general history of the (Muslim) world, and an account of the peoples with whom the Mongols came into contact; the other was to be a geography describing the different climes of the world and the routes linking them. Although Rašid-al-Din speaks of the latter as being completed (see also his reference to it in ed. Jahn, 1951, p. 11, tr. p. 24), no copy has yet been found. It is possible that elements of this were incorporated into the work of Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru (Rašid-al-Din, tr. Thackston, p. 11 n. 3), and more immediately into the geography of Ḥamd-Allāh Mostawfi (q.v.), though neither author refers specifically to this debt (see also ed. Rowšan and Musawi, Intro., p. 53; Allsen, 2001, pp. 103-4, 112-13).

\n

Although most scholarly attention has focused on volume one, which is a fundamental source for the history of the rise and establishment of the Mongol Empire, from a historiographical point of view, the second volume is far more significant as the first attempt to write a universal history: an achievement not aspired to again in subsequent centuries (cf. Jahn, 1965, pp. ix-x). It attests to the remarkable global imperial vision of the Mongol rulers. Rašid-al-Din was aware of the unique quality of his work, referring to its unprecedented nature and as an assembly of all branches of history (ed. Rowšan and Musawi, pp. 8, 9, 14, 307; Barthold, pp. 44-49; Allsen, 2001, p. 83).

\n

The general history of the world (in practice, the Muslim world) follows the pattern established by Qāżi Bayżāwi in his Ne ẓām-al-tawāriḵ, with sections on the prophets, the four dynasties of the pre-Islamic rulers of Persia, the prophet Moḥammad, and the Caliphs, and then the dynasties that flourished under the ʿAbbasids; it thus provides a similarly Perso-centric view of Islamic history (see Melville, 2000). Much of this remains unpublished and, until this is rectified, it is premature to offer remarks on Rašid-al-Din’s use of his sources and the message that his history of the caliphate conveys. It is clear that the sections on the Ghaznavids and the Saljuqs made use of the work of Abu Naṣr ʿOtbi and Ẓahir-al-Din Nišāpuri respectively (for the latter, see Luther, 1971; Morton). The section on the Ismaʿilis is borrowed in large amount from Jovayni, but with the addition of new material; Rašid-al-Din’s treatment of the sect is also much more objective than was the norm among Sunni historians (see Levy; Daftary, p. 95). Certainly, the language was also modified, especially that of ʿOtbi’s translator, Jorfāḏa-qāni, probably the version used by Rašid-al-Din (Šahidi, esp. pp. 186-91). Behind this part of the Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ lies the interesting historiographical question of the relationship between Rašid-al-Din and the Zobdat al-tawāriḵ of Qāšāni (cf. above), still to be thoroughly investigated (for the Ismaʿilis, see Qāšāni, 1987, which also provides the parallel passages in Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru).

\n

The following sections, in contrast, contain much information that had previously not been available to Muslim scholarship. As in the first volume, Rašid-al-Din starts with a history of the Turks, thus vicariously linking the comparatively insignificant Mongols to the far more ancient and illustrious legends of the Oghuz (Turan); there is once more a concern with genealogies (tr. Jahn, 1969, pp. 44-47). This material derives entirely from oral sources. The recent history of China had also already been included in the first volume, but Rašid-al-Din now prepared a separate account of the Chinese, containing general information on the country and its customs, followed by the history and stories of the emperors of China, in annalistic form. Rašid-al-Din’s own engagement with Chinese civilization continued, particularly in his Tansuq-nāma, chiefly concerning medicine (Jahn, 1970). Rašid-al-Din’s Chinese informants, from the Buddhist tradition, are named but still not identified (see also, Franke, pp. 21-24; Menges).

\n

As with China, Persia’s long contacts with the West had not generated a real Muslim history of Europe. The impulse of empire building led to an expansion of knowledge here, too; political circumstances and Mongol religious tolerance were particularly favorable to the exchange of goods and cultural wares (Jahn, 1971, pp. 12-13; Allsen, 2001). In contrast with the case of China, however, volume one of theJāmeʿ-al-tawāriḵ contains almost nothing of contemporary interest, such as the Mongol missions to the West, and there is only a single enigmatic reference to the Crusades; the section on the West in volume two stands in no sort of organic relationship with the work as a whole (Boyle, 1970, p. 63). The section on the Franks derives from conversations with unnamed clerics in Tabriz, including perhaps Isolo the Pisan (Nizami, p. 37). Its introductory descriptions of Europe’s geography and politics concentrate on the Mediterranean countries, and emphasize the power of the king of France, third only to the Pope and the Holy Roman Emperor; there are also various interesting items of information (Jahn, 1971, pp. 19-20; Jackson, pp. 329-30). One example is the suggestion that the killing of the Christian community in Lucera was in response to the Muslim capture of Acre and the destruction of churches in Il-Khanid Iran (ed. Rowšan, 2005b, pp. 46, 122). The second part, on the history of the Popes and emperors, is based on the popular history by Martin of Troppau (d. 1278), and supplemented by a few extra legends and sagas (Jahn, 1951, pp. 8-10; idem, 1971, p. 21). It originally resembled a Western work not only in its contents, but also in its page layout and illustration (cf. Jahn, 1951, pp. 12-13).

\n

As with the previous sections, Rašid-al-Din’s history of India is in two parts, the first containing information about the geography, habits, and religious beliefs of the people, based largely on Abu Rayḥān Biruni’s celebrated study. There follow chapters on the Sultans of Delhi, the rulers of Kashmir, and the four yugas “ages” and the kings who reigned in them; this account contains the remarkable claim that Čengiz Khan was descended from one of the legendary dynasties of India (see Jahn, 1965, pp. lxxviii-lxxxvi; Nizami, p. 41; ed. Rowšan, 2005c, p. 100). The second part of book is on Buddha and his teachings, with a supplement on transmigration (tanāsoḵ); as noted, the main source of information was the Buddhist Lama from Kashmir, Kamālashri. Mongol interest in the subject is natural given the fact that this was the religion of Arḡun (q.v.) and his son Ḡāzān for a time, and the work might reflect the syncretist conceptions held by the Mongols in Iran (Jahn, 1956, pp. 83, 127); but there is also an attempt to fit Buddhism into the wider context of mediev al religious thought and to approximate Buddhist to Muslim theological concepts (e.g., concerning angels, prophethood).

\n

Rašid-al-Din made elaborate provisions for the preservation and transmission of his work. In an addendum to the endowment deed (waqfiya) for the quarter he established in Tabriz, the Rabʿ-e Rašidi, dated 1 Rabiʿ I, 709/9 August 1309, he stipulates that two copies of the Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ were to be made every year in theketāb-ḵāna, one in Arabic and one in Persian, and distributed throughout the cities of the Arab world and Iran. His collected works were also to become part of the curriculum of the madrasas he had founded. This addendum is dated Ḏu’l-ḥejja 713/April 1314 (see Rašid-al-Din, Waqf-nāma, pp. 237, 239, 241, 252; Afšār, pp. 12-13; Blair, 1995, pp. 14, 114-15; Blair, 1996; Hoffmann, p. 200, with further bibliography).

\n

In view of these precautions, it is ironic that so few early manuscripts have survived. This is particularly unfortunate given the fact that they were intended to be illustrated, and the surviving examples are of crucial importance for the development of Persian manuscript painting: a departure as original as the nature of the text itself. The earliest surviving copy is part of an Arabic version, to be dated 714/1314, now preserved in Edin-burgh University Library and the Khalili Collection, and must thus have been one of the first to be produced according to the stipulations of the author’s endowment instructions. It comprises about half of part 2 of the second volume. Many of the illustrations show a strong influence of Chinese painting (see Blair, 1995, with full bibliography; Hillenbrand, pp. 145-50). The subjects cho-sen to illustrate the text are partly for pedagogical purposes and partly reflect current interests at the Il-khanid court (Blair, 1996, esp. pp. 51-53), a notion developed further by Abolala Soudavar, to suggest that illustrations in a contemporary copy of the Šāh-nāma were used to depict events recorded in theJāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ rather than in Ferdowsi’s work itself (Soudavar; cf. Grabar and Blair).

\n

Later historians recognized that Rašid-al-Din stood apart from other Muslim universal historians, in style if not in intention (Ḵonji Eṣfahāni, p. 87, tr., p. 8), although his intention was also quite different from that of his predecessors; like Bayhaqi’s work, Rašid-al-Din’s work found no later emulators, though many admirers. Both Faḵr-al-Din Banākati and Ḥamd-Allāh Mostawfi acknowledged their very full use of the Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ, which was also put into verse by Kāšāni in the reign of Öljeitü (Banākati, p. 107, 338, 340; Blochet, 1910, pp. 94-106; Mortażawi, pp. 590-625; Paris ms. Supplément persan 1443), and summarized in the later 14th century (ms. St. Petersburg University Library, OP. 950B). The most important means of the transmission of the Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ was its absorption into the work of Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru, also a native of Hamadān (born in Ḵᵛāf, Khorasan, and raised in Hamadān; see Aḏkāʾi), giving rise to an extremely complicated textual tradition that, despite the painstaking work of Felix Tauer, has still not been entirely clarified. Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru’s compilation reflects the fact that Ḡāzān and Öljeitü’s universalist vision was shared by his patron, Šāhroḵ b. Timur, but it is nevertheless significant that Rašid-al-Din’s work on the peoples of the world was merely reproduced, not updated. It is probably via the work of Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru that Rašid-al-Din’s history was exploited by later Timurid universal historians, such as Mirḵᵛānd and Ḵᵛāndamir (qq.v.).

\n

Edward G. Browne’s assessment of the Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ (e.g., 1929-30, III, p. 75) is as valid now as a century ago and is echoed by all subsequent writers (for a thorough survey of early authorities, see Mortażawi, 1980, pp. 405-544). Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ presents a vast amount of data on East Asia and gave the Muslim world a quantum leap in their knowledge of the region and the wider world about them (Allsen, 2001, p. 85) at the unique moment in history when Persia was, with China, at the cultural heart of a great world empire. The passing of the moment once more restricted the intellectual horizons and vision of Persian historians. It thus remains all the more regrettable that there is still no complete critical edition of the whole text, a fundamental requirement for a full evaluation of the relationships between the Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ and the work of previous and subsequent historiographers.

\n

 

\n

 

\n

Bibliography:

\n

Manuscripts. For the numerous cataloged manuscripts of the Jāmeʿ-al-tawāriḵ, see Storey I/1, pp. 71-78, supplemented by Bregel, I, pp. 301-20; Monzawi, VI, pp. 4133-35. Four of these manuscripts were produced in the author’s lifetime (cf. Thackston, tr., pp. xii-xiii). Several excerpts from the illustrated Istanbul mss. H. 1653 and 1654, together with others, have been reproduced in the publications by Karl Jahn (Jahn, 1951, 1971, 1973, 1977, 1980); the fragment of the Arabic text in the Khalili Collection (MSS727) has been reproduced and studied by Sheila Blair.

\n

Manuscripts of the second volume, which has not yet been edited in its entirety, are accessible for almost the whole text in Topkapı Saray, Istanbul, Hazine 1654 and 1653; Süleymaniye, Istanbul, Damad Ibrahim Paša 919; British Library, Add. 7628, and I. O. Islamic 3524 (Ethé, no. 2828); Bibliothèque nationale, Paris, Suppl. persan, 2004; and Reza Library, Rampur (see Bregel, p. 310).

\n

Editions (arranged alphabetically by editor’s name). ʿA. A. ʿAlizāda, II/2 (Ögedei), Moscow, 1980; III, ed., with Russ. tr. by A. K. Arends, Baku, 1957.

\n

Ahmed Ateş, as Cāmiʿ al-tavārīh (Metin) II. Cild, 4: Cüz, Sultan Mahmud ve devrinin tarihi, and Cild, 5. Cüz, Selcuklular Tarihi, Ankara, 1957-60; repr. 1999.

\n

I. N. Berezin, as “Sbornik letopiseĭ: Istoriya Mongolov, sochinenie Rashid ad-Dina …(Collection of Chronicles: History of the Mongols, work by Rašid-al-Din . . .)”Trudy Vostochnogo Otdeleniia Imperatorskogo Russkogo Arkheologicheskogo Obshchestva 5, 7, 13, 15, St. Petersburg, 1858, 1861, 1868, 1888.

\n

Egar Blochet, as Djami el-Tévarikh /Histoire gènèrale du monde: Tarikh-i moubarek-i ghazani/Histoire des Mongols, Leiden, 1911.

\n

Moḥammad Dabirsiāqi, Faṣl-i az Jāmeʿ-al-tawāriḵ: tāriḵ-e ferqa-ye rafiqān wa Esmāʿi-liān-e Alamut, Tehran, 1958; repr. Tehran, 1987.

\n

Idem, ed., Faṣl-i az Jāmeʿ-al-tawāriḵ (Tāriḵ-e Ḡaznaviān wa Sāmāniān wa Āl-e Buya), Tehran, 1959.

\n

Idem, Tāriḵ-e Afranj, yā faṣl-i az Jāmeʿ-al-tawāriḵ, Tehran, 1960.

\n

Mo-ḥammad-Taqi Dānešpažuh and Moḥammad Modarres Zanjāni, Jāmeʿ-al-tawāriḵ, qesmat-e Esmāʿiliān wa Fā-ṭemiān wa Nezāriān wa dāʿiān wa rafiqān, Tehran, 1960.

\n

Karl Jahn, as Geschichte Ġāzān-Ḫān’s: taʾriḫ-i-mubārak-i-ġāzānī des Rašid al-Din Faḍlallāh, London, 1940.

\n

Idem, as Taʾriḫ-i mubārak-i ġāzāni des Rašid al-Din Faḍlallāh: Geschichte der Ilḫāne Abāgā bis Gaiḫātū (1265-1295), Prague, 1941; 2nd ed., Gravenhage, 1957.

\n

Idem, ed. and tr. with commentary as Histoire universelle de Rašīd al-Dīn Fadl Allāh Abul-Khair I: Histoire des Francs, Leiden, 1951.

\n

Idem, in Rashīd al-Dīn’s History of India: Collected Essays with Facsimiles and Indices, The Hague, 1965.

\n

Idem, ed. and tr., Die Chinageschichte des Rašīd ad-Dīn, Vienna, 1971.

\n

Idem, ed. and tr., Die Geschichte der Kinder Israels des Rašīd ad-Dīn, Vienna, 1973.

\n

Idem, ed. and tr. as Die Frankengeschichte des Rašīd ad-Dīn, Vienna, 1977.

\n

Idem, ed. and tr. as Die Indiengeschichte des Rašīd ad-Dīn, Vienna, 1980.

\n

Bahman Karimi, Tāriḵ-e pādšāhān-e Moḡol az Uketāy Qāʾān tā Teymur Qāʾān, Tehran, 1934.

\n

Idem, Ferqa-ye Esmāʿi-liān-e Alamut, 2 vols., Tehran, 1959.

\n

Etienne M. Quatremère, ed. and tr. as Raschid-Eldin: Histoire des Mongols de la Perse, Paris, 1836, repr. Amsterdam, 1968 (probably the source of the anonymousExtraits de l’histoire des Mongols de Raschid-eldin, Texte persan, Paris, 1847).

\n

A. A. Romaskevitz, L.A. Khetagurov, and ʿA. A. ʿAlizāda, eds., Moscow, 1965; 2nd ed., Moscow, 1968. Moḥammad Rowšan, ed., Tāriḵ-e Oḡoz, Tehran, 2005a.

\n

Idem, ed., Tāriḵ-e Afranj, Pāpān wa Qayā-ṣera, Tehran, 2005b.

\n

Idem, ed., Tāriḵ-e Hendustān wa Kašmir, Tehran, 2005c.

\n

Idem, ed., Tāriḵ-e aqwām-e pādšāhān-e Ḵatāy, Tehran, 2006.

\n

Moḥammad Rowšan and M. Musawi, eds., 4 vols., Tehran, 1994.

\n

Wang Yidan, ed., Tārik-e Čīn, Tehran, 2000.

\n

 

\n

Translations.

\n

John A. Boyle, as The Successors of Genghis Khan, 2 vols., New York, 1971.

\n

Karl Jahn, ed. and tr., 1951, 1965, 1971, 1973, 1977, 1980 (see above).

\n

Idem, as Die Geschichte der Oguzen des Rašīd ad-Dīn, Vienna, 1969.

\n

Kenneth A. Luther, as The History of the Seljuq Turks from the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh: An Ilkhanid Adaptation of the Saljuq-nama of Zahir-al-Din Nishapuri, ed. C. Edmund Bosworth, Richmond, 2001.

\n

A. P. Martinez, as “The Third Portion of the History of Gāzān Xan in Rašīdu’d-Dīn’s Taʾrīx-e mobārak-e Gāzānī,” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 6, 1986-88, pp. 129-242.

\n

Idem, “The Third Portion of the History of Gāzān Xan in Rašīdu’d- Dīn’s Taʾrīx-e mobārak-e Gāzānī,” AEMA 8, 1992-94, pp. 99-206.

\n

Etienne M. Quatremère, 1836 (see above). R. M. Shukyurova, as Oguz-name, Baku, 1987.

\n

Wheeler M. Thackston, as Rashiduddin Fazlullah’s Jamiʿu’t-tawarikh, A Compendium of Chronicles: A History of the Mongols, 3 vols., Cambridge, Mass., 1998-99.

\n

A. Zeki Velidi Togan, as Oguz destan. Reşideddin Oguznâmesi, Tercüme ve Tahlili, Istanbul, 1972.

\n

 

\n

Studies.

\n

Parviz Aḏkāʾi, Tāriḵnegārān-e Irān I, Tehran, 1994.

\n

Iraj Afshar, “Autograph Copy of Rashīd-al-Dīn’s Vaqfnāmeh,” CAJ 14/1-3, 1970, pp. 5-13.

\n

Thomas T. Allsen, “Biography of a Cultural Broker: Bolad Ch’eng-Hsiang in China and Iran,” in Julian Raby and Teresa Fitzherbert, eds., The Court of the Ilkhans 1290-1340, Oxford, 1996, pp. 7-22.

\n

Idem, Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia, Cambridge, 2001.

\n

Reuven Amitai-Preiss, “New Material from the Mamluk Sources for the Biography of Rashid al-Din,” in Julian Raby and Teresa Fitzherbert, eds., The Court of the Ilkhans 1290-1340, Oxford, 1996, pp. 23-37.

\n

A. K. Arends, “The Study of Rashīd ad-Dīn’s Jāmiʿu’t-Tawārīkh in the Soviet Union,” CAJ 14/1-3, 1970, pp. 40-61.

\n

Faḵr-al-Din Dāwud Banākati, Tāriḵ-e Banākati: Rawżat ule’l-albāb fi maʿrefat al-tawāriḵ wa’l-ansāb, ed. Jaʿfar Šeʿār, Tehran, 1969.

\n

Vasiliĭ V. Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion, ed. Clifford Edmund Bosworth, 4th ed., London, 1977.

\n

Širin Bayāni, “Barrasi-e awżāʿ-e ejtemāʾi-e Irān az ḵelāl Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ,” in Sayyed Hossein Nasr et al., eds., Majmuʿa-ye ḵaṭābahā-ye taḥqiqi dar bāra-ye Rašid-al-Din Fażl-Allāh Hamadāni, Proceedings of the Colloquium on Rashid-al-Din Fadlallah, Tehran-Tabriz, 11-16 Abān 1348 (2-7 November 1969), Tehran, 1971, pp. 59-79.

\n

Shagdaryn Bira, Mongolian Historical Writing from 1200 to 1700, tr. John R. Kreuger, 2nd ed., rev. and updated by the author, Bellingham, 2002.

\n

Abu Rayḥān Biruni, Ketāb taḥqiq mā le’l-Hend men maqula maqbula fi’l-ʿaql aw marḏula, Hyderabad, 1958; tr. Eduard Sachau as Albiruni’s India, 2 vols., London, 1888-1910.

\n

Sheila S. Blair, A Compendium of Chronicles: Rashid al-Din’s Illustrated History of the World, London, 1995.

\n

Idem, “Patterns of Patronage and Production in Ilkhanid Iran: The Case of Rashid al-Din,” in Julian Raby and Teresa Fitzherbert, eds., The Court of the Ilkhans 1290-1340, Oxford, 1996, pp. 39-62.

\n

Edgar Blochet, Introduction à l’histoire des Mongols de Fadl Allah Rashid ed-Din, Leiden, 1910.

\n

John A. Boyle, “Juvayni and Rashīd al-Dīn as Sources on the History of the Mongols,” in Bernard Lewis and Peter M. Holt, eds., Historians of the Middle East, London, 1962, pp. 133-37.

\n

Idem, “Rashīd al-Dīn and the Franks,” CAJ 14/1-3, 1970, pp. 62-67.

\n

Idem, “The Significance of the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh as a Source on Mongol History,” in Sayyed Hossein Nasr et al., eds., Collected Works of Rashid-al-Din Fadlallah, Proceedings of the Colloquium on Rashid-al-Din Fadlallah, Tehran-Tabriz, 11-16 Aban 1348 (2-7 November 1969), I, Tehran, 1971a, pp. 1-8.

\n

Idem, “Rashīd al-Dīn: the First World Historian,” Iran 9, 1971b, pp. 19-26.

\n

Edward G. Browne, “Suggestions for a Complete Edition of the Jāmi’u’t-tawārīkh of Rashīdu’d-Dīn Faḍlu’llāh,” JRAS, January 1908, pp. 17-37.

\n

Idem, Literary History of Persia, 4 vols., Cambridge, 1929-30.

\n

Farhad Daftary, “Persian Historiography of the Early Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs,” Iran 30, 1992, pp. 91-97.

\n

ʿAbbās Eqbāl, “Nosḵahā-ye moṣawwar-e Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ,” Yādgār 2/3, 1945, pp. 33-42. Walter J. Fischel, Jews in the Economic and Political Life of Mediaeval Islam, London, 1937. H. Franke, “Some Sinological Remarks on Rashîd al-Dîn’s History of China,” Oriens 4, 1951, pp. 21-26.

\n

Oleg Grabar and Sheila Blair, Epic Images and Contemporary History: The Illustrations of the Great Mongol Shahnama, Chicago and London, 1980.

\n

Ḥāfeẓ-e Abru, Ḏayl-e Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ-e rašidi, ed Ḵānbābā Bayāni, Tehran, 1971.

\n

Robert Hillenbrand, “The Arts of the Book in Ilkhanid Iran,” in Linda Komaroff and Stefano Carboni, eds., The Legacy of Genghis Khan: Courtly Art and Culture in Western Asia, 1256-1353, New York, 2002, pp. 134-67.

\n

Birgitt Hoffmann, “The Gates of Piety and Charity: Rašīd al-Dīn Fadl Allāh as Founder of Pious Endowments,” in Denise Aigle, ed., L’Iran face à la domination mongole, Tehran, 1997, pp. 189-202.

\n

Peter Jackson, The Mongols and the West, 1221-1410, Harlow, 2005.

\n

Karl Jahn, “Kamālashrī-Rashīd al-Dīn’s ’Life and Teaching of Buddha: A Source for the Buddhism of the Mongol Period,” CAJ 11/2, 1956, pp. 81-128; repr. in idem,Rashīd al-Dīn’s History of India, The Hague, 1965, pp. xxxi-lxxvii.

\n

Idem, “The Still Missing Works of Rashīd al-Dīn,” CAJ 9, 1964, pp. 113-22.

\n

Idem, “Rashīd al-Dīn as World Historian,” in Yádnáme-ye Jan Rypka: Collection of Articles on Persian and Tajik Literature, Prague, 1967, pp. 79-87.

\n

Idem, “Some Ideas of Rashīd al-Dīn on Chinese Culture,” CAJ 14/1-3, 1970, pp. 134-47 (printed as “Rashīd al-Dīn and Chinese Culture”).

\n

Idem, “Rashīd al-Dīn’s Knowledge of Europe,” in S. Hossein Nasr et al., ed.,Collected Works of Rashid-al-Din Fadlallah I, Tehran, 1971, pp. 9-25.

\n

ʿAlāʾ-al-Din ʿAṭā-Malek Jovayni, Tāriḵ-e jahāngošā, ed. Moḥammad Qazvini, 3 vols., London, 1912-37.

\n

Šams-al-Din Kāšāni, Chengiz-nāma, ms. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Suppl. pers. 1443.

\n

Fażl-Allāh Ḵonji Eṣfahāni, Tāriḵ-e ʿālamārā-ye amini, ed. John E. Woods, London, 1992 (with Vladimir Minorsky’s tr. rev. and enlarged).

\n

Reuben Levy, “An Account of the Ismāʿīlī Doctrines in the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh of Rashīd al-Dīn Faḍlallāh,” JRAS, 1930, pp. 509-36.

\n

Kenneth A. Luther, “The Saljuqnamah and the Jamiʿ al-tawarikh,” in S. Hossein Nasr et al., eds., Collected Works of Rashid-al-Din Fadlallah I., Tehran, 1971, pp. 26-35.

\n

Charles Melville, “The Chinese Uighur Animal Calendar in Persian Historiography of the Mongol period,” Iran 32, 1994, pp. 83-98.

\n

Idem, “Abū Saʿīd and the Revolt of the Amirs in 1319,” in Denise Aigle, ed., L’Iran face à la domination mongole, Tehran, 1997, pp. 189-120.

\n

Idem, “From Adam to Abaqa: Qāḍi Bay-dāwī’s Rearrangement of History,” Studia Iranica 30, 2000, pp. 67-86.

\n

Karl H. Menges, “Rašīdu’d-Dīn on China,” JAOS 95, 1975, pp. 95-98.

\n

Vladimir Minorsky, “Caucasia III: The Alan Capital Magas and the Mongol Campaigns,” BSO(A)S 14, 1952, pp. 221-38.

\n

Aḥmad Monzawi, Fehrest-e nosḵahā-ye ḵaṭṭi-e fārsi, 6 vols., Tehran, 1969-74.

\n

D. O. Morgan, “Persian Historians of the Mongols,” in idem, ed., Medieval Historical Writing in the Christian and Islamic Worlds, London, 1982, pp. 109-24.

\n

Idem, “Rashīd al-Dīn Ṭabīb,” in EI2 VIII, 1994, pp. 443-44.

\n

Idem, “Rašīd al-Dīn and Gazan Khan,” in Denise Aigle, ed., L’Iran face à la domination mongole, Tehran, 1997, pp. 179-88.

\n

Manučehr Mortażawi, “Jāmeʿ al-tawāriḵ wa moʾallef-e wāqeʿi-e ān,” Našriya-ye Dāneškada-ye adabiyāt-e Tabriz 13, 1961, pp. 31-92, 311-50, 516-26.

\n

Idem, Masāʾel-e ʿaṣr-e Ilḵānān, Tehran, 1980.

\n

Ḥamd-Allāh Mostawfi, Ẓafar-nāma, ba enżemām-i Šāh-nāma-e …Ferdawsi (as ed. by Mostawfi), facs. ed. Naṣr-Allāh Purjawādi and Noṣrat-Allāh Rastegār, 2 vols., Vienna and Tehran, 1999.

\n

Sayyed Hossein Nasr, et al., eds., Collected Works of Rashid-al-Din Fadlallah, Proceedings of the Colloquium on Rashid-al-Din Fadlallah, Tehran-Tabriz, 11-16 Aban 1348 (2-7 November 1969), I, Tehran, 1971.

\n

Amnon Netzer, “Rashīd al-Dīn and His Jewish Background,” in Shaul Shaked and Amnon Netzer, eds., Irano-Judaica: Studies Ralating to Jewish Contacts with Persian Culture throughout the Ages 3, Jerusalem, 1994, pp. 118-26.

\n

K. A. Nizami, “Rashid al-Din Fazl Allah and India,” in S. H. Nasr, et al., eds.,Collected Works of Rashid-al-Din Fadlallah I, Tehran, 1971, pp. 36-53.

\n

Abu Naṣr ʿOtbi, al-Taʾriḵ al-yamini, ed. with commentaries A. Manini, 2 vols., Cairo, 1286/1869; tr. Abu’l-Šaraf Nāṣeḥ b. Ẓafar Jorfādaqāni as Terjama-ye Tāriḵ-e yamini, ed. Jaʿfar Šeʾār, Tehran, 1966.

\n

Abu’l-Qāsem Qāšāni, Tāriḵ-e Uljāytu, ed. Mahin Hambly, Tehran, 1969.

\n

Idem, Zobdat al-tawāriḵ, baḵš-e Fāṭemiān wa Nezāriān, ed. Moḥammad-Taqi Dāneš-pažuh, Tehran, 1987.

\n

S. A. Quinn, “The Muʿizz al-ansab and the Shuʿab-i Panjganah as Sources for the Cha-ghatayid Period of History: A Comparative Analysis,” CAJ 33, 1989, pp. 229-53.

\n

H. Rajabzāda, Ḵᵛāja Rašid-al-Din Fażl-Allāh, Tehran, 1998.

\n

Rašid-al-Din Fażl-Allāh, Waqf-nāma-ye Rabʿ-e Rašidi, ed. Mojtabā Minovi and Iraj Afšār, Tehran, 1976.

\n

Sayyed Jaʿfar Šahidi, “Sabk-e āṯār-e fārsi-e Ḵᵛāja Rašid-al-Din,” in Sayyed Hossein Nasr et al., eds., Majmuʿa-ye ḵaṭābahā-ye taḥqiqi dar bāra-ye Rašid-al-Din Fażl-Allāh Hama-dāni, Proceedings of the Colloquium on Rashid-al-Din Fadlallah, Tehran-Tabriz, 11-16 Abān 1348 (2-7 November 1969), Tehran, 1971, pp. 183-202.

\n

Foʾād ʿAbd-al-Moʿṭi Ṣayyād, Moʾarreḵ al-Moḡul al-kabir Rašid al-Din Fażl-Allāh al-Hamaḏāni, Cairo, 1967.

\n

Abolala Soudavar, “The Saga of Abu-Saʿid Bahādor Khān: The Abu-Saʿidnāmé,” in Julian Raby and Teresa Fitzherbert, eds., The Court of the Ilkhans 1290-1340, Oxford, 1966, pp. 95-218.

\n

Charles A. Storey, Persian Literature: A Bio-Bibliographical Survey, 2 vols., London, 1972; tr. Yuri E. Bregel as Persidskaya literatura …, 3 vols., Moscow, 1972.

\n

Felix Tauer, “Ḥāfiẓ-i Abrū,” in EI2 III, pp. 57-58.

\n

A. Zeki Velidi Togan, “The Composition of the History of the Mongols by Rashīd al-Dīn,” CAJ 7, 1962, pp. 60-72.

\n

Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History, 12 vols., London, 1934-61.

\n

Osman Turan, “Rashid üd-dîn et l’Histoire des Turcs,” in S. Hossein Nasr et al., eds.,Collected Works of Rashid-al-Din Fadlallah I, Tehran, 1971, pp. 68-80.

\n

Josef Van Ess, “Der Wesir und siene Gelehrten: Zu Inhalt und Entstehungsgeschichte der theologischen Schriften des Rasiduddin Fazlullāh (gest. 718/1318),” AKM 45/4, Wiesbaden, 1981.

\n

Šehāb-al-Din ʿAbd-Allāh Waṣṣāf Ḥażra, Tajziat al-amṣār wa tazjiat al-aʿṣār/ Tāriḵ-e Waṣṣāf, Bombay, 1269/1853; repr., Tehran, 1959; partial tr. with text by Josef von Hammer-Purgstall as Geschichte Wassafs, Vienna, 1856.

\n

Ẓahir-al-Din Nišā-puri, The Saljūqnāma, ed. A. H. Morton, London, 2005.

\n

ʿAbbās Zaryāb Ḵoʾi, “Seh nokta dar barā-ye Rašid al-Din Fażl-Allāh,” in Sayyed Hossein Nasr et al., eds., Majmuʿa-ye ḵaṭābahā-ye taḥqiqi dar bāra-ye Rašid-al-Din Fażl-Allāh Hamadāni, Proceedings of the Colloquium on Rashid-al-Din Fadlallah, Tehran-Tabriz, 11-16 Abān 1348 (2-7 November 1969), Tehran, 1971, pp. 123-35.

", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2013-11-05T08:19:39Z", "dateModified": "2022-05-10T16:26:31Z" } }, { "key": "4F6UVAWE", "version": 737, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/4F6UVAWE", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/4F6UVAWE", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/K7WCJXVP", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 971950, "username": "Harandaa", "name": "Geoff Humble", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/harandaa", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "4F6UVAWE", "version": 737, "parentItem": "K7WCJXVP", "itemType": "note", "note": "

p.185 “When there was a struggle for succession, the outcome depended not so much on the ability of the khan to please the tribal leaders as on his ability to control the government of the state. The correct management of state revenues could guarantee that members of the tribal aristocracy, now appointed to positions within the military or even within the civil administration, profited from their loyalty to the khan. In this case, the old-style tribal aristocracy, which still preserved a tribal constituency, was often powerless to oppose the central government, and it is interesting to note that time and again “naturalistic” challenges were met successfully by the central governments, thanks to their greater resources.64 The consolidation of the supreme power of the leader also required that a number of those men under arms be reorganized into permanent fighting units under the direct control of the royal clan and of the khan. However, loyal chieftains by and large retained control of their tribal troops, even though they were appointed to their positions by the khan.”

\n

64. “A well-known historical example of a “nativistic” challenge is the struggle between the brothers Arigh Böke and Qubilai for control of the Mongol ulus (“state”); see Morris Rossabi, Qubilai: His Life and Times (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 53-62.    

", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2013-10-15T05:58:16Z", "dateModified": "2021-10-28T12:12:19Z" } }, { "key": "FQ7WG873", "version": 737, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/FQ7WG873", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/FQ7WG873", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/WVZH7GAK", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 971950, "username": "Harandaa", "name": "Geoff Humble", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/harandaa", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "FQ7WG873", "version": 737, "parentItem": "WVZH7GAK", "itemType": "note", "note": "

D̲j̲uwaynī (1,552 words)

\n

Barthold, W.;  Boyle, J.A.

\n
\n

, ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn ʿAṭā-Malik b. Muḥammad (623/1226-681/1283), a Persian governor and historian, author of the Taʾrīk̲h̲-i d̲j̲ahāngus̲h̲āy , a work which is almost our only source on the details of his life. His family belonged to Āzādwār, then the chief town of Ḏj̲uwavn ([q.v.], No. 2). According to Ibn al-Ṭiḳṭaḳā ( al-Fak̲h̲rī , ed. Ahlwardt, 209) they claimed descent from Faḍl b. Rabīʿ, the vizier of Hārūn al-Ras̲h̲īd. ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s great-grandfather, Bahāʾ al-Dīn Muḥammad b. ʿAlī, had waited on the K̲h̲wārazm-S̲h̲āh Tekis̲h̲ [q.v.] when in 588/1192 he passed through Āzādwār on his way to attack Tog̲h̲ril II [q.v.], the last Sald̲j̲uḳ ruler of ʿIrāḳ-i ʿAd̲j̲am. His grandfather, S̲h̲ams al-Dīn Muḥammad b. Muḥammad, was in the service of Sultan Muḥammad K̲h̲wārazm-S̲h̲āh [q.v.], whom he accompanied on his flight from Balk̲h̲ to Nīs̲h̲āpūr. At the end of his life the Sulṭān appointed him Ṣāḥib Dīwān , a post which he continued to hold under Sultan D̲j̲alāl al-Dīn: he died during the latter’s siege of Ak̲h̲lāṭ, i.e., at some time between S̲h̲awwāl 626/August 1229 and Ḏj̲umādā I 627/April 1230. His son, Bahāʾ al-Dīn, ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s father, is first heard of ca. 630/1232-3 in Nīs̲h̲āpūr. Two of D̲j̲alāl al-Dīn’s officers, Yag̲h̲an-Sonḳur and Ḳarača, had been active in This area, and Či̊n-Temür, the Mongol governor of K̲h̲urāsān and Māzandarān, sent an army to dislodge them. Upon the approach of the Mongol forces Bahāʾ al-Dīn together with some of the chief notables of the town fled to Ṭūs, where they sought refuge in a castle amidst the ruins of the city. The governor of the castle handed them over to the Mongols, by whom, however, they were kindly received: Bahāʾ al-Dīn was admitted into the conquerors’ service and held the office of Ṣāḥib Dīwān not only under Či̊n-Temür but under his successors Körgüz and Arg̲h̲un Aḳa. In 633/1235-6 he accompanied Körgüz upon a mission to the Great K̲h̲an Ögedey, from whom he received a payza or “tablet of authority” and a yarli̊g̲h̲ or rescript confirming his appointment as Ṣāḥib Dīwān. On several occasions he was left in absolute control of the occupied territories in Western Asia while the governor was absent in Mongolia. In 651/1253, being then in his 60th year, it was his wish to retire from the public service, but to This the Mongols would not agree, and he died during the same year in the Iṣfahān region, whither he had been sent to carry out fiscal reforms.

\n

ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn tells of himself that while still a youth he chose, against his father’s wishes, to take a position in the dīwān . He twice visited Mongolia in the suite of Arg̲h̲un Aḳa, first in 647-9/1249-51 and then in 649-51/1251-3: upon the arrival of Hülegü in K̲h̲urāsān early in 654/1256, he was attached to his service and accompanied him on his campaigns against the Ismāʿīlīs of Alamūt and the Bag̲h̲dād Caliphate. It was ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn who drew up the terms of surrender of the last Ismāʿīlī Grand Master Rukn al-Dīn K̲h̲ur-S̲h̲āh, and it was through his ¶ initiative that the famous library of Alamūt was saved from destruction. In 657/1259, a year after the capture of Bag̲h̲dād, he was appointed governor of ʿIrāḳ-i ʿArab and K̲h̲ūzistān, a post which he continued to hold for more than 20 years, though under Abaḳa, Hülegü’s son and successor, he was nominally subordinate to the Mongol Sug̲h̲unčaḳ. During his tenure of office he did much to improve the lot of the peasantry and it was said, with some exaggeration, that he restored these provinces to greater prosperity than they had enjoyed under the Caliphate: at the expense of 10,000 dīnārs of gold he caused a canal to be dug from Anbār on the Euphrates to Kūfa and Nad̲j̲af and founded 150 villages along its banks.

\n

During the reign of Abaḳa both ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn and his brother S̲h̲ams al-Dīn [see below] the Ṣāḥib Dīwān were much exposed to hostile attacks, of which the consequences were more serious for the former than the latter. In the late autumn of 680/1281 he was arrested, at the instigation of a personal enemy, on the charge of embezzling from the Treasury the enormous sum of 2,500,000 dīnārs. On 4 Ramaḍān 680/17 December 1281, thanks to the intervention of certain members of the Il-K̲h̲ān’s family, he was released from custody, only to be almost immediately re-arrested on a charge of maintaining a correspondence with the Mamlūk rulers of Egypt. His arrival in Hamadān to answer This charge coincided with the Il-K̲h̲ān’s death and he was retained in custody until the election of Abaḳa’s successor Tegüder or Aḥmad (1282-4), a convert to Islam, who at once gave orders for ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s release and reinstatement as governor. He did not long survive his rehabilitation. Tegüder’s nephew, the future Il-K̲h̲ān Arg̲h̲un (1284-91), arrived in Bag̲h̲dād in the winter of 681/1282-3 and reviving the old charge of embezzlement began to arrest the governor’s agents and put them to the torture. News of these proceedings reaching ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn in Arrān, where he then was, he had an apoplectic stroke and died on 4 D̲h̲u ’l-Ḥid̲j̲d̲j̲a 681/5 March 1283.

\n

ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s references to the defects in his literary education must certainly be put down to conventional modesty; he is praised by his contemporaries as a highly cultured man and a patron of poets and scholars; and his history was held up as an unrivalled model of style. The work is divided into three main sections: I. History of the Mongols and their conquests down to the events following the death of the Great K̲h̲an Güyük, including the history of the descendants of D̲j̲oči and Čag̲h̲atay; II. History of the dynasty of the K̲h̲wārazm-S̲h̲āhs, based in part on previous works such as the Mas̲h̲ārib al-tad̲j̲ārib of Abū ’l-Ḥasan Bayhaḳī and the Djawāmiʿ al-ʿulūm of Fak̲h̲r al-Dīn al-Rāzī, and a history of the Mongol governors of K̲h̲urāsān down to the year 656/1258; III. Continuation of the history of the Mongols to the overthrow of the Ismāʿīlīs, with an account of the sect, based chiefly on works found in Alamūt such as the Sargud̲h̲as̲h̲t-i Sayyidnā ; other works now lost are also quoted such as the Taʾrīk̲h̲-i Ḏj̲īl wa Daylam and the Tāʾrīk̲h̲-i Sallāmī (written for the Būyid Fak̲h̲r al-Dawla). The Taʾrīk̲h̲-i d̲j̲ahān-gus̲h̲āy , which has considerably influenced historical tradition in the East, is for us also a historical authority of the first rank. The author was the only Persian historian to travel to Mongolia and describe the countries of Eastern Asia at first hand; it is to his work and the Journal of William of Rubruck that we owe practically all we know of the buildings in the Mongol capital of Ḳara-Ḳorum. The ¶ accounts of Čingiz-K̲h̲ān’s conquests are given nowhere else in such detail; many episodes, such as the battles on the Si̊r-Daryā above and below Otrar and the celebrated siege of K̲h̲ud̲j̲and are known to us only from the Taʾrīk̲h̲-i d̲j̲ahān-gus̲h̲āy . Unfortunately D̲j̲uwaynī gives us in these cases not the first-hand impressions of a contemporary, but the opinions of the next generation, so that the details of his narrative, particularly the statements on the numbers of the combatants and the slain have to be taken with great caution; cf. for example, the fact, pointed out long ago by d’Ohsson (i, 232 ff.), that the citadel of Buk̲h̲ārā according to D̲j̲uwaynī was defended by 30,000 men, all of whom were slain upon its capture, while Ibn al-At̲h̲īr (xii, 239), on the authority of an eye-witness, says the garrison consisted only of 400 horse. Again we find in D̲j̲uwaynī two versions of the struggle between the Ḳara-K̲h̲itay and Muḥammad K̲h̲wārazm-S̲h̲āh, based apparently on different sources (written or oral). It was only by later compilers like Mīrk̲h̲wānd that these contradictory accounts were woven into a uniform narrative, not, of course, in accordance with the standards of modern criticism; European scholars, to whom such compilations were much more accessible than the original authorities, have been frequently led astray by them.

\n

D̲j̲uwaynī began work on his history during his residence in Mongolia in 650/1252-3; he was still working on it in 658/1260, for he refers to the state of Mā warāʾ al-Nahr in 658/1259-60 (Ḳazwīnī’s text, i, 75, tr. Boyle, i, 96) and also to a Georgian rising that took place in the autumn of that year (text, ii, 261; tr., ii, 525); but there are no references to subsequent events, nor indeed to the operations against the Caliphate 655-6/1257-8), and there are many indications that the history was left in a state of incompletion.

\n

Towards the end of his life he composed in Persian (not in Arabic as stated by Quatremère and repeated by Barthold in EI 1 ) two treatises describing the misfortunes which had befallen him under Abaka, the first named Tasliyat al-ik̲h̲wān and the second bearing no special title: extracts from these short works have been published in the Persian introduction to Ḳazwīnī’s edition of the Tāʾrīk̲h̲-i d̲j̲ahān-gus̲h̲āy .

\n\n
\n

Bibliography

\n
\n

The text of Ḏj̲uwaynī’s history is available in the edition of Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḳazwīnī: The Tāʾrík̲h̲-i-jahán-gushá of ʿAláʾu ’d-Dín ʿAtá-Malik-i-Juwayní, 3 vols., (GMS, Old Series, xvi/1, 2, 3), London 1912, 1916 and 1937

\n

and in the translation of J. A. Boyle, The history of the world-conqueror, 2 vols., Manchester 1958. On D̲j̲uwaynī as a stylist see Bahār, Sabk-S̲h̲ināsī iii, 51-100.

\n
\n
\n
", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2013-10-15T05:58:16Z", "dateModified": "2021-10-28T12:12:03Z" } }, { "key": "RH2HAN3X", "version": 730, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/RH2HAN3X", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/RH2HAN3X", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/6BMM7Z8J", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "RH2HAN3X", "version": 730, "parentItem": "6BMM7Z8J", "itemType": "attachment", "linkMode": "imported_file", "title": "Ghiasian - 2018 - The Topkapı Manuscript of the iJāmiʿ al-Tawārikh.pdf", "accessDate": "", "url": "", "note": "", "contentType": "application/pdf", "charset": "", "filename": "Ghiasian - 2018 - The Topkapı Manuscript of the iJāmiʿ al-Tawārikh.pdf", "md5": null, "mtime": null, "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-05-11T01:53:00Z", "dateModified": "2018-05-11T01:53:00Z" } }, { "key": "6BMM7Z8J", "version": 730, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/6BMM7Z8J", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/6BMM7Z8J", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Ghiasian", "parsedDate": "2018-05-04", "numChildren": 1 }, "data": { "key": "6BMM7Z8J", "version": 730, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "The Topkapı Manuscript of the Jāmiʿ al-Tawārikh (Hazine 1654) from Rashidiya to the Ottoman Court: A Preliminary Analysis", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Mohamad Reza", "lastName": "Ghiasian" } ], "abstractNote": "The famous Persian version of the Jāmiʿ al-Tawārikh (Hazine 1654) has never been studied with the care it deserves. Since its transcription was completed a year before Rashid al-Din’s execution, it remained unfinished while approximately seven illustrations were inserted into it, and the locations of other illustrations were left blank. Careful examination of the manuscript reveals that almost all of the empty spaces left for narrative illustrations were painted during the last decades of the fourteenth century. Having decided to improve the quality of the manuscript, the kitābkhāna of Shāhrukh, in the fifteenth century, completed the missing passages of text and restored or overpainted some of its illustrations. The dedicatory inscription of Farhād Khān Qarāmānlu indicates that the manuscript was refurbished again in the Safavid period. The last artistic additions to the manuscript were overpainting an illustration and insertion of two illuminated friezes in the Ottoman Istanbul. This paper, which is a result of close examination of the original manuscript, explains the complicated life history of the book.", "publicationTitle": "Iranian Studies", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2018-05-04", "volume": "51", "issue": "3", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "399-425", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1080/00210862.2018.1428085", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00210862.2018.1428085", "accessDate": "2018-05-03T00:51:45Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0021-0862, 1475-4819", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "The Topkapı Manuscript of the Jāmiʿ al-Tawārikh (Hazine 1654) from Rashidiya to the Ottoman Court", "language": "en", "libraryCatalog": "CrossRef", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-05-11T01:53:00Z", "dateModified": "2018-05-11T01:53:00Z" } }, { "key": "I8KFVETA", "version": 729, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/I8KFVETA", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/I8KFVETA", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/DVGWN2IE", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 2625056, "username": "NickGW", "name": "Nicholas Walmsley", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nickgw", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "I8KFVETA", "version": 729, "parentItem": "DVGWN2IE", "itemType": "attachment", "linkMode": "imported_url", "title": "JSTOR Full Text PDF", "accessDate": "2018-03-12T18:07:55Z", "url": "http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/10.2307/23656914.pdf?acceptTC=true", "note": "", "contentType": "application/pdf", "charset": "", "filename": "BODROGLIGETI - 1962 - NOTES ON THE TURKISH LITERATURE AT THE MAMELUKE CO.pdf", "md5": "576a64ad76408fa85cc1ab0d0d747c44", "mtime": 1520943766000, "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-03-13T12:22:46Z", "dateModified": "2018-03-13T12:22:46Z" } }, { "key": "DVGWN2IE", "version": 728, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/DVGWN2IE", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/DVGWN2IE", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 2625056, "username": "NickGW", "name": "Nicholas Walmsley", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nickgw", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Bodrogligeti", "parsedDate": "1962", "numChildren": 1 }, "data": { "key": "DVGWN2IE", "version": 728, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "Notes on the Turkish literature at the Mameluke court", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Andras", "lastName": "Bodrogligeti" } ], "abstractNote": "", "publicationTitle": "Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "1962", "volume": "14", "issue": "3", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "273-282", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.jstor.org/stable/23656914", "accessDate": "2018-03-12T18:07:51Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0001-6446", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "JSTOR", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [], "collections": [ "XXIH9VBW" ], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-03-13T12:22:46Z", "dateModified": "2018-03-13T12:22:46Z" } }, { "key": "3HMBYAG6", "version": 727, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/3HMBYAG6", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/3HMBYAG6", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/F2MI97QV", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 2625056, "username": "NickGW", "name": "Nicholas Walmsley", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nickgw", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "3HMBYAG6", "version": 727, "parentItem": "F2MI97QV", "itemType": "attachment", "linkMode": "imported_url", "title": "JSTOR Full Text PDF", "accessDate": "2018-03-12T18:04:17Z", "url": "http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/10.2307/41926593.pdf?acceptTC=true", "note": "", "contentType": "application/pdf", "charset": "", "filename": "ECKMANN - 1963 - THE MAMLUK-KIPCHAK LITERATURE.pdf", "md5": "fe607e004afcf7ec29fe8c12212090fc", "mtime": 1520943727000, "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-03-13T12:22:07Z", "dateModified": "2018-03-13T12:22:07Z" } }, { "key": "F2MI97QV", "version": 726, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/F2MI97QV", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/F2MI97QV", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 2625056, "username": "NickGW", "name": "Nicholas Walmsley", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nickgw", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Eckmann", "parsedDate": "1963", "numChildren": 1 }, "data": { "key": "F2MI97QV", "version": 726, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "The Mamluk-Kipchaq Literature", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Janos", "lastName": "Eckmann" } ], "abstractNote": "", "publicationTitle": "Central Asiatic Journal", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "1963", "volume": "8", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "304-319", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.jstor.org/stable/41926593", "accessDate": "2018-03-12T18:04:08Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0008-9192", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "English", "libraryCatalog": "JSTOR", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [], "collections": [ "XXIH9VBW" ], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-03-13T12:22:07Z", "dateModified": "2018-03-13T12:22:07Z" } }, { "key": "4HEC5XKM", "version": 726, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/4HEC5XKM", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/4HEC5XKM", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 2625056, "username": "NickGW", "name": "Nicholas Walmsley", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nickgw", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Irwin", "parsedDate": "2003", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "4HEC5XKM", "version": 726, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "Mamluk Literature", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Robert", "lastName": "Irwin" } ], "abstractNote": "", "publicationTitle": "Mamluk Studies Review", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2003", "volume": "7", "issue": "1", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1-29", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "", "accessDate": "", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "English", "libraryCatalog": "", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [], "collections": [ "XXIH9VBW" ], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-03-13T12:22:07Z", "dateModified": "2018-03-13T12:22:07Z" } }, { "key": "J875283S", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/J875283S", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/J875283S", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Amir", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "J875283S", "version": 725, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "Niẓām al-Dīn Yaḥyā al-Ṭayyārī – An Artist in the Court of the Ilkhans and Mamluks", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Or", "lastName": "Amir" } ], "abstractNote": "Reading through the sources written in the Mamluk Sultanate (1250–1517), one receives the impression that the political borders between the Mamluk and Ilkhanid realms were just that – in no ways cultural or even serious physical barriers. This paper will demonstrate this by focusing on the biography of Niẓām al-Dīn Yaḥyā al-Ṭayyārī (685–760/1286/7–1358/9~). His father served under the Ilkhans as a physician and scribe, while Niẓām al-Dīn grew up into the Ilkhanid elite and became a prolific calligrapher, scribe and musician in his own right, being especially close to the Sultan Abū Sa‘īd and his vizier, Ghiyāth al-Dīn Muḥammad. After the death of Abū Sa‘īd and the subsequent disintegration of the Ilkhanate, Niẓām al-Dīn made his way to the Mamluk Sultanate, where his artistic talents were very much appreciated, representing the glorious artistic tradition of the east. Despite his seemingly smooth reception in the ruling circles of the Mamluk Sultanate, Niẓām al-Dīn seems to have remained attached to his homeland, and to the lavish properties which he left behind him. He subsequently returned to Baghdad, where he was immediately reinstated to his former duties. Following and analyzing the career of Niẓām al-Dīn can grant insights into court culture of the Muslim world of his age, where similarities in taste and bureaucratic traditions probably outweighed the differences. We also learn about mobility, cultural exchange and artistic sensibilities between the two competing courts.", "publicationTitle": "Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "71", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1075–1091", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1515/asia-2017-0005", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/asia.2017.71.issue-4/asia-2017-0005/asia-2017-0005.xml?format=INT", "accessDate": "2018-02-02T02:00:42Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0004-4717", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "DeGruyter", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Historiography", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Ilkhanate", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Mamluk Sultanate", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "artists", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "mobility", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "4L87C3D8", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/4L87C3D8", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/4L87C3D8", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Biran", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "4L87C3D8", "version": 725, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "Introduction", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Michal", "lastName": "Biran" } ], "abstractNote": "The Mongol empire (1206–1368) caused massive transformations in the composition and functioning of elites across Eurasia. While the Mongols themselves obviously became the new Eurasian elite, their small number as compared to the huge territory over which they ruled and their initial inexperience in administrating sedentary realms meant that many of their subjects also became part of the new multi-ethnic imperial elite. Mongol preferences, and the high level of mobility—both spatial and social—that accompanied Mongol conquests and rule, dramatically changed the characteristics of elites in both China and the Muslim world: While noble birth could be instrumental in improving one’s status, early surrender to Chinggis Khan; membership in the Mongol imperial guards (keshig); and especially, qualifications—such as excellence in warfare, administration, writing in Mongolian script or astronomy to name but a few—became the main ways to enter elite circles. The present volume translates and analyzes biographies of ten members of this new elite—from princes through generals, administrators, and vassal kings, to scientists and artists; including Mongols, Koreans, Chinese and Muslims—studied by researchers working at the project “Mobility, Empire and Cross Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia” at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The annotated biographies assembled here not only add new primary sources—translated from Chinese, Persian and Arabic—to the study of the Mongol Empire. They also provide important insights into the social history of the period, illuminating issues such as acculturation (of both the Mongols and their subjects), Islamization, family relations, ethnicity, imperial administration, and scientific exchange.", "publicationTitle": "Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "71", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1051–1057", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1515/asia-2017-0015", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/asia.2017.71.issue-4/asia-2017-0015/asia-2017-0015.xml?format=INT", "accessDate": "2018-02-02T02:00:34Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0004-4717", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "DeGruyter", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Mongol Empire", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "acculturation", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "elites", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "mobility", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "social history", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "EZNJGWUG", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/EZNJGWUG", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/EZNJGWUG", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Hodous", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "EZNJGWUG", "version": 725, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "A Judge at the Crossroads of Cultures: Shi Tianlin", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Florence", "lastName": "Hodous" } ], "abstractNote": "Shi Tianlin is one of only two known officials who was appointed to act as judge both in the West and the East of the Mongol Empire, during the period of the united empire when officials were often appointed cross-regionally. Coming from near today’s Beijing, he came to prominence for his knowledge of languages, and was granted a Mongol name. He was a judge in a Western campaign, probably that of Batu against the Qipchaqs and Russians. Later, he was sent by Möngke Khan to Qaidu in Central Asia, and detained there for 28 years, before returning to Yuan China. Despite his long absence from China and though his activity as judge was very short (he declined to be re-appointed as judge when he arrived back in China), the prestige of the appointment stuck, and his son and grandson were both judges in China. The shendaobei, or Spirit-Way Inscription, of Shi Tianlin is particularly interesting for the way in which it explains Mongol concepts in Chinese terms. One of these is the jasagh (held to be the law code of Chinggis Khan), which is equated with Chinese falü (statute or law code). Rather than explaining its contents however, the inscription talks about the importance of following “the jasagh of Confucius”, namely the Lunyu or Analects of Confucius. The inscription – and presumably Shi Tianlin during his lifetime – thus uses a widely-known Mongol concept to promote Chinese values, showing the complexities of intercultural communication and exchange during the Mongol era.", "publicationTitle": "Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "71", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1137–1151", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1515/asia-2017-0013", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/asia.2017.71.issue-4/asia-2017-0013/asia-2017-0013.xml?format=INT", "accessDate": "2018-02-02T02:00:55Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0004-4717", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "A Judge at the Crossroads of Cultures", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "DeGruyter", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Envoys", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Mongol law", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "foreign relations", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "judges", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "multilingualism", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "FSWVKEMW", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/FSWVKEMW", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/FSWVKEMW", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Humble", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "FSWVKEMW", "version": 725, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "‘Han’ Cultural Mobility under Mongol Rule: Biographies of the Jia 賈 Family", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Geoffrey", "lastName": "Humble" } ], "abstractNote": "There are several intriguing aspects to the Yuanshi biography of Jia Shira (d. c.1268). Two substantial Chinese inscriptions run in parallel with the text, allowing an unusual level of comparison between sources and thus insight into the Yuanshi compilers’ editorial priorities. The primary subject, though referred to as a Hanren (and therefore allowed to leave Qaraqorum’s northern climate), is exclusively identified by the Mongolian nickname Shira (‘golden/yellow’), due to the colour of his facial hair. All of Shira’s descendants, while being ‘Han’ and remembered in formal Chinese inscriptions, are recorded under Turco-Mongol names, and the texts highlight generosity in famine relief to people in the Mongol heartland alongside more typical tropes of concern for a ‘Chinese’ populace. The selective deployment of cultural elements thus differs from other biographical narratives in a number of key aspects. While none of its subjects are of great fame, the texts draw together key themes in Yuan historiography, linking events and personalities through a Mongol century from Shira’s introduction to Sorqaqtani Beki in 1224, via cooking for Qubilai and managing expenses for Ayurbarwada, to the 1323 execution and subsequent rehabilitation of Shira’s great-grandson Tügen Buqa.", "publicationTitle": "Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "71", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1153–1167", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1515/asia-2017-0009", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/asia.2017.71.issue-4/asia-2017-0009/asia-2017-0009.xml?format=INT", "accessDate": "2018-02-02T02:00:59Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0004-4717", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "‘Han’ Cultural Mobility under Mongol Rule", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "DeGruyter", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Han", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Mongol", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "cultural capital", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "ethnicities", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "historiography", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "retinue", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "PPS6F936", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/PPS6F936", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/PPS6F936", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Landa", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "PPS6F936", "version": 725, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "Türaqai Güregen (d. 1296–7) and His Lineage: History of a Cross-Asia Journey", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Ishayahu", "lastName": "Landa" } ], "abstractNote": "The history of the Mongol conquests in Eurasia was not least the history of the numerous migrations of masses of people across the continent. This essay discusses one specific case study, namely that of the Mongol commander and Chinggisid imperial son-in-law Türaqai of the Oyirad tribe and his lineage throughout the thirteenth century. He himself was probably born in Iran or Iraq. His family, however, came from Mongolia to Iran during the Mongol conquests. The article discusses Türaqai’s life, in particular his (and his army’s) flight from the Ilkhanate to the Mamlūk Sultanate in 1296. He also made an unsuccessful attempt to become part of the Mamlūk military, which costed him and his close supporters their lives. Looking through the lenses of this biographical narrative, the essay presents a broader picture of the military nomadic migrations in Chinggisid Eurasia and their mechanisms. The essay also pays special attention to the position of the Chinggisid sons-in-law, who held a highly respected status in the Mongol political architecture. Additionally, it highlights some main issues related to the migration of the nomadic tribes and their resettlement in the newly conquered areas under the Mongol rule, such as assimilation, conversion to Islam and the different dimensions of their relations with the local populations.", "publicationTitle": "Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "71", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1189–1211", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1515/asia-2017-0011", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/asia.2017.71.issue-4/asia-2017-0011/asia-2017-0011.xml?format=INT", "accessDate": "2018-02-02T02:01:08Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0004-4717", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "Türaqai Güregen (d. 1296–7) and His Lineage", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "DeGruyter", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Ilkhanate", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Mamlūk Sultanate", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Mongol army", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "imperial Sons-in-law", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "islamisation", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "migration", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "mobility", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "tribal armies", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "NJ8EFSYC", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/NJ8EFSYC", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/NJ8EFSYC", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Soyoung", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "NJ8EFSYC", "version": 725, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "Kingship away from Kingdom: The Life of King Ch’ungsŏn (1275–1325)", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Choi", "lastName": "Soyoung" } ], "abstractNote": "King Ch’ungsŏn 忠宣, called Wang Chang 王璋, the 26th King of the Koryŏ Dynasty, was a unique figure among Korean kings. Born to King Ch’ungnyǒl and Qubilai Qa’an’s daughter, he also married a Mongol princess, thereby becoming an imperial son-in-law (güregen). During his first reign (1298), he made efforts to reform Koryŏ politics but several months later was deposed by the Mongols and moved to the Mongol capital Dadu 大都. In Dadu, King Ch’ungsŏn served in the royal guard (keshig) for 10 years. In the succession struggle that followed Temür Qa’an’s demise in 1307 he distinguished himself in the service of Qaishan (武宗) and Ayurbarwada (仁宗) and rose to power at the Mongol court, and in 1308 was restored to the Korean throne in Koryŏ. Just after the coronation he returned to Dadu and remained there despite Korean and Mongol appeals. When his long sojourn in Dadu provoked criticism, he abdicated for his son but continued to be involved in Korean affairs from his Dadu residence. However, after the death of Ayurbarwada, Wang Chang was banished to Sakya, Tibet, for reasons that are still debated. The new Qa’an Yesün Temür (泰定帝), pardoned him after more than two years in exile. However, even then, he did not return to Koryŏ but ended his life in the Mongol capital, Dadu. Wang Chang’s life demonstrates the complicated relationship between the Mongols and their vassal dynasties.", "publicationTitle": "Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "71", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1093–1118", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1515/asia-2017-0014", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/asia.2017.71.issue-4/asia-2017-0014/asia-2017-0014.xml?format=INT", "accessDate": "2018-02-02T02:00:46Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0004-4717", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "Kingship away from Kingdom", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "DeGruyter", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Koryŏ-Mongol relations", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Tibetan Buddhism", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "abdication", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "exile", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "imperial son-in-law", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "indirect administration", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "W2CGA8KI", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/W2CGA8KI", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/W2CGA8KI", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/E9CL744I", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "W2CGA8KI", "version": 725, "parentItem": "E9CL744I", "itemType": "attachment", "linkMode": "imported_file", "title": "Cho - 2017 - From Military Leaders to Administrative Experts T.pdf", "accessDate": "", "url": "", "note": "", "contentType": "application/pdf", "charset": "", "filename": "Cho - 2017 - From Military Leaders to Administrative Experts T.pdf", "md5": null, "mtime": null, "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "E9CL744I", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/E9CL744I", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/E9CL744I", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Cho", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 1 }, "data": { "key": "E9CL744I", "version": 725, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "From Military Leaders to Administrative Experts: The Biography of the “Treacherous Minister” Temüder and his Ancestors", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Wonhee", "lastName": "Cho" } ], "abstractNote": "Temüder (d. 1322) was an influential Mongol official of the Yuan dynasty in the early fourteenth century. The compilers of the Yuanshi listed him as one of the six “treacherous ministers,” and it is easy to simply dismiss him accordingly. However, a closer examination of the life of Temüder himself and his ancestors reveals how the Mongol elites adapted and changed throughout time, and specifically how the earlier generation of military leaders transformed into administrative experts in civil administration and fiscal reform. Based on his biography in the Yuanshi, supplemented with a few scattered records from literary collections of Han-Chinese contemporaries and Persian-language sources, this article reconstructs the lives of Temüder, his ancestors, and his sons. In addition to balancing Temüder’s overwhelmingly negative image, this article ultimately shows how the ruling outsiders – here, the Mongol elites exemplified by the case of Temüder – also gained new expertise to further consolidate their rule over China, and provides a more complex and nuanced perspective for understanding the mid- to late-Yuan period.", "publicationTitle": "Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "71", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1213–1230", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1515/asia-2017-0006", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/asia.2017.71.issue-4/asia-2017-0006/asia-2017-0006.xml?format=INT", "accessDate": "2018-02-02T02:01:13Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0004-4717", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "From Military Leaders to Administrative Experts", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "DeGruyter", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Temüder", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Yuan dynasty", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "acculturation", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "administration", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "treacherous ministers", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "5UFJFY97", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/5UFJFY97", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/5UFJFY97", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Fiaschetti", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "5UFJFY97", "version": 725, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "Mongol Imperialism in the Southeast: Uriyangqadai (1201–1272) and Aju (1127–1287)", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Francesca", "lastName": "Fiaschetti" } ], "abstractNote": "Son of the famous general Sübe’edei, Uriyanqadai followed in his father’s footsteps into the highest ranks of the Mongol military. Placed in charge of the keshig, or imperial bodyguard, under Möngke (r. 1251–1259), his fame was mostly due to his involvement—along with prince Qubilai (r. 1260–1294)— in the Mongol campaigns in Tibet, Yunnan and Đại Việt. Some of these campaigns are thoroughly described in his Yuanshi and other biographies. Other sources reflect the political relevance of this general as well. The same goes for Uriyangqadai’s son Aju, who accompanied him on campaigns in the South and built upon Uriyangqadai’s legacy after his death. An analysis of the various texts reporting the careers of the two generals provides important material regarding a decisive moment in the Mongol conquest of China, as well as information on numerous aspects of the military and political structures of the Mongol empire. Uriyangqadai’s and Aju’s lives provide an important case study of the role of political alliances and family relations in the formation of the military elite under Mongol rule. Furthermore, their careers depict an important moment of change in Mongol warfare. The campaigns in Yunnan and Đại Việt proved a challenge to Mongol strategies, leading to important innovations, changes which ultimately facilitated creation of a Yuan land –and maritime Empire.", "publicationTitle": "Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "71", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1119–1135", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1515/asia-2017-0008", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/asia.2017.71.issue-4/asia-2017-0008/asia-2017-0008.xml?format=INT", "accessDate": "2018-02-02T02:00:51Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0004-4717", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "Mongol Imperialism in the Southeast", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "DeGruyter", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Mongol military", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Southeast Asia", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Southern Song campaign", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Yuan China", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "military elite", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "ZMH8ZTEX", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/ZMH8ZTEX", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/ZMH8ZTEX", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Shurany", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "ZMH8ZTEX", "version": 725, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "Prince Manggala – The Forgotten Prince of Anxi", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Vered", "lastName": "Shurany" } ], "abstractNote": "Manggala (忙哥剌 d. 1278）was the third son of Qubilai Qa’an (r. 1260–1294) and his chief wife, Chabi Qatun (察必 d. 1281). Although he was not the crown prince he ruled over a large and strategic territory between the frontiers of the Southern Song before it was fully conquered, and the northwestern frontier, where some of the Mongol princes still challenged Qubilai’s legitimacy as the Great Khan. In spite of this, Prince Manggala does not have a biography in the Yuanshi, and is mainly remembered as the father of Prince Ananda, Qubilai’s grandson, famous for embracing Islam. However, juxtaposing sources from different parts of the Mongol empire to compile Prince Manggala’s biography shows that he appears to have been a governor and capable military commander, who established his own princely administrative system, Wangxiangfu (王相府), showed interest in both Islam and Buddhism and addressed the various peoples and religions in his heterogeneous domain differently, thereby enhancing his legitimation. Manggala’s annotated biography can expand our knowledge of the role and status of princes in the Yuan dynasty (元代 1271–1368), as well as shed light on both administration and cross-cultural contacts in northwest China during the early Yuan era.", "publicationTitle": "Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "71", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1169–1188", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1515/asia-2017-0012", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/asia.2017.71.issue-4/asia-2017-0012/asia-2017-0012.xml?format=INT", "accessDate": "2018-02-02T02:01:03Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0004-4717", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "DeGruyter", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Anxi Wang", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Manggala", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Mongol princes", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Yuan dynasty", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "local government", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "J79XZFFZ", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/J79XZFFZ", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/J79XZFFZ", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Yang", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "J79XZFFZ", "version": 725, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "From the West to the East, from the Sky to the Earth: A Biography of Jamāl al-Dīn", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Qiao", "lastName": "Yang" } ], "abstractNote": "Jamāl al-Dīn (Zhamaluding 札馬魯丁 d. ca.1289) is probably the most successful and best-documented Muslim astronomer who was active in the Mongol Yuan court. He migrated from Central or West Asia to China and introduced Islamic astronomical, geographical and cartographic knowledge into China. In spite of his high official position and the honorable titles that were granted to him, his biographic information in Chinese sources is scattered, and there is uncertainty in identifying him in non-Chinese sources. This paper attempts to reconstruct Jamāl al-Dīn’s life and activities by an in-depth reading and interpretation of the biographic information, supplementing and enriching it with biographies of Jamāl al-Dīn’s contemporary astronomers in the Mongol Empire. This article argues that Jamāl al-Dīn achieved success and honor due to his knowledge in various fields that interested the Mongols, his correct reading of the imperial ideology and the political map, and the extensive social networks he built for himself during the decades he lived in China.", "publicationTitle": "Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "71", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1231–1245", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1515/asia-2017-0010", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/asia.2017.71.issue-4/asia-2017-0010/asia-2017-0010.xml?format=INT", "accessDate": "2018-02-02T02:01:19Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0004-4717", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "From the West to the East, from the Sky to the Earth", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "DeGruyter", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Mongol Empire", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Muslims in China", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Yuan China", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "astronomy", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "scientific exchange", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "SPVDCCNN", "version": 725, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/SPVDCCNN", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/SPVDCCNN", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Zakrzewski", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "SPVDCCNN", "version": 725, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn Tabrīzī and the Establishment of Mongol Rule in Iran", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Daniel", "lastName": "Zakrzewski" } ], "abstractNote": "Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn Tabrīzī (d. 668/1269–70) was one of the most important individuals to the establishment of Mongol rule in Iran. His biography illustrates like few others not only themes of mobility and cross-cultural contacts across Eurasia but also the importance of local elites to the formation of the empire of Chinggis Khan and his descendants. Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn belonged to a notable family of Tabriz and served as governor of his native city soon after the definitive Mongol conquest of 628/1231. He traveled to Mongolia in 649/1251 and was put in charge of implementing a revised imperial taxation system in northwestern Iran by Great Khan Möngke. Then Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn remained a key player in the financial administration of the emerging Ilkhanate as Möngke’s brother Hülegü asserted his claims to the northwestern core area of Mongol Iran against his enemies from the house of Jochi. Despite connections of Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn’s family to the Jochids, he continued as governor of Tabriz where he also acted as a patron of Persian literature until his death. So far Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn has gone almost unnoticed in historical scholarship.", "publicationTitle": "Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "71", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1059–1073", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1515/asia-2017-0007", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/asia.2017.71.issue-4/asia-2017-0007/asia-2017-0007.xml?format=INT", "accessDate": "2018-02-02T02:00:38Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0004-4717", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "DeGruyter", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Ilkhanate", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Mongol Empire", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Tabriz local elites", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "administration", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "literary patronage", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z", "dateModified": "2018-02-02T02:03:22Z" } }, { "key": "VZUXSRZ5", "version": 719, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 224261, "name": "Mobility, Empire and Cross-Cultural Contacts in Mongol Eurasia", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/224261/items/VZUXSRZ5", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mobility_empire_and_cross-cultural_contacts_in_mongol_eurasia/items/VZUXSRZ5", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 3348, "username": "nomadism", "name": "Wonhee Cho", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/nomadism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Landa", "parsedDate": "2017", "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "VZUXSRZ5", "version": 719, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "New Light on Early Mongol Islamisation: The Case of Arghun Aqa's Family", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Ishayahu", "lastName": "Landa" } ], "abstractNote": "Abstract\nThe paper discusses the questions of the alleged conversion of Arghun Aqa, the powerful Mongol governor of great parts of Western Asia in the mid-13th century, to Islam, claimed by the famous Armenian historian Kirakos. While in the end dismissing the historicity of this claim, the paper uses a variety of archaeological, numismatic, epigraphic and literary sources in order to highlight the great role the Islamic beliefs and identity of the surrounding Persianised society played in the continuous Islamic acculturation of Arghun Aqa and his family since the earliest phases of their presence in Iran.", "publicationTitle": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2017", "volume": "", "issue": "", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "1-24", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1017/S1356186317000438", "citationKey": "", "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/article/new-light-on-early-mongol-islamisation-the-case-of-arghun-aqas-family-1/EBC828779461678CFCFDCE46ED89BB86", "accessDate": "", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "1356-1863", "archive": "Cambridge Core", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "Cambridge University Press", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [], "collections": [ "VEWUCX9G" ], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2017-10-10T22:26:34Z", "dateModified": "2017-10-10T22:26:34Z" } } ]