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            "note": "<p>Tuti's notes on text:</p>\n<p>This text examines a process of decolonization that calls for no less than a spiritual revolution to transform the disconnection and fear of Onkwehonwe (Original People) into connection and \"transcend colonial culture and institutions.\" (Alfred 2005, 23) He disavows approaches that mimic foreign logics and recreate colonial institutions as indigenous ones. On the spectrum of resistance to and struggle against colonial domination, Alfred advocates a middle ground between proponents of armed insurgency and those who pursue resolution through the colonial political system.</p>\n<p>To counter the reformist, internalist aboriginal approaches, Onkwehonwe must take direct action against capitalism. \"… a true decolonization movement can emerge only when only when we shift our politics from articulating grievances to pursuing an organized and political battle for the cause of our freedom.\"(22)</p>\n<p><strong>Peace</strong> is not merely the absence of violence brought about by law and order. Peace is not merely certainty and stability. Peace looks forward (a driving force (a verb) something we do a process.) <strong>Justice</strong> is anchored to the past (seeking redress for what has been done to us).  <strong>Order</strong> is lack of violence – stability. \"Order serves the powerful in an imperial situation.\"(28)</p>\n<p>\"Think of the pattern of societal decline described by Hannah Arendt (1963. <em>On Revolution</em>. New York; Penguin.): political authority falls after the loss of tradition and the weakening of religious beliefs. Spirituality breaks, there is a loss of traditional cultures and languages, and this is followed by political subjugation. This pattern reduces the story of the 500-year conquest of <em>Anowarakowa Kawennote</em>, Great Turtle Island, to its essence. Imperialism has not been a totalizing unknowable and irresistible force of destruction, but a fluid confluence of politics, economics, psychology, and culture. It remains so.\"(30)</p>\n<p>\"Living as Onkwehonwe means much more than applying a label to ourselves and saying that we are indigenous to the land. It means looking at the personal and political choices we make every day and applying an <strong>indigenous logic</strong> to those daily acts of creation.\" (33)</p>\n<p>Alfred proposes a theoretical frame of Anarcho-indigenism.  <strong>Indigenous</strong> is the cultural and spiritual rootedness in land and the struggle for justice and freedom from colonial collar. <strong>Anarchism</strong> is \"fundamentally anti-institutional, radically democratic, and commited to taking action to force change.\" (45)</p>\n<p>The state cannot be defeated militarily because power manifests in three vectors which Alfred calls tripartite state power: 1) <strong>Force</strong> as in the military and police; 2) <strong>Authority</strong> (laws) which regulate and discipline behaviour; and 3) <strong>Legitimacy</strong> (manufactured). We must defer to force or die. Authority we can contest and defy but legitimacy \"relies on the psychological and social conditioning of people to create an acceptance of the state and forms of power it normalizes…\"(56)</p>\n<p>Must engage in struggle in all ways at all times. \"It seems impossible, facing a post-modern imperialist state, to isolate a discrete target for direct resistance actions, so must continue our struggle by engaging its corrupting power <em>at all times</em> and <em>in all ways</em>, as perpetual warriors. The only way to do this is in <strong>creative contention.</strong> (59)</p>",
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            "note": "<p>Google Books blurb</p>\n<p>The word WasAse is the Kanienkeha (Mohawk) word for the ancient war  dance ceremony of unity, strength, and commitment to action. The author  notes, \"This book traces the journey of those Indigenous people who have  found a way to transcend the colonial identities which are the legacy  of our history and live as Onkwehonwe, original people. It is dialogue  and reflection on the process of transcending colonialism in a personal  and collective sense: making meaningful change in our lives and  transforming society by recreating our personalities, regenerating our  cultures, and surging against forces that keep us bound to our colonial  past.\"</p>",
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            "note": "<p>Book Jacket</p>\n<p>\"Imperialism as we knew it may be no more, but Empire is alive and well. It is, as Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri demonstrate in this bold work, the new political order of globalization. Their book shows how this emerging Empire is fundamentally different from the imperialism of European dominance and capitalist expansion in previous eras. Rather, Today's Empire draws on elements of U.S. constitutionalism, with its<span style=\"display: inline;\"> tradition of hybrid identities and expanding frontiers.\" \"Empire identifies a radical shift in concepts that form the philosophical basis of modern politics, concepts such as sovereignty, nation, and people. Hardt and Negri link this philosophical transformation to cultural and economic changes in postmodern society - to new forms of racism, new conceptions of identity and difference, new networks of communication and control, and new paths of migration. They also show how the power of transnational corporations and the increasing predominance of postindustrial forms of labor and production help to define the new imperial global order.\" \"More than analysis, Empire is also work of political philosophy, a new Communist Manifesto. Looking beyond the regimes of exploitation and control that characterize today's world order, it seeks an alternative political paradigm - the basis for a truly democratic global society.\"--BOOK JACKET.</span></p>",
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            "note": "<p>Googl book blurb</p>\n<p>Across nineteenth-century New England, antiquarians and community  leaders wrote hundreds of local histories about the founding and growth  of their cities and towns. Ranging from pamphlets to multivolume  treatments, these narratives shared a preoccupation with establishing  the region as the cradle of an Anglo-Saxon nation and the center of a  modern American culture. They also insisted, often in mournful tones,  that New England’s original inhabitants, the Indians, had become  extinct, even though many Indians still lived in the very towns being  chronicled.<strong>In <em>Firsting and Lasting</em>, Jean M. O’Brien argues  that local histories became a primary means by which European Americans  asserted their own modernity while denying it to Indian peoples. Erasing  and then memorializing Indian peoples also served a more pragmatic  colonial goal: refuting Indian claims to land and rights. Drawing on  more than six hundred local histories from Massachusetts, Connecticut,  and Rhode Island written between 1820 and 1880, as well as censuses,  monuments, and accounts of historical pageants and commemorations,  O’Brien explores how these narratives inculcated the myth of Indian  extinction, a myth that has stubbornly remained in the American  consciousness.<strong>In order to convince themselves that the Indians had  vanished despite their continued presence, O’Brien finds that local  historians and their readers embraced notions of racial purity rooted in  the century’s scientific racism and saw living Indians as “mixed” and  therefore no longer truly Indian. Adaptation to modern life on the part  of Indian peoples was used as further evidence of their demise. Indians  did not—and have not—accepted this effacement, and O’Brien details how  Indians have resisted their erasure through narratives of their own.  These debates and the rich and surprising history uncovered in O’Brien’s  work continue to have a profound influence on discourses about race and  indigenous rights.</strong></strong></p>",
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            "note": "<p>Contents</p>\n<p><span><span>Introduction : Indians  can never be modern -- Firsting : local texts claim Indian places as  their own -- Replacing : historical practices argue that non-Indians  have supplanted Indians -- Lasting : texts purify the landscape of  Indians by denying them a place in modernity -- Resisting : claims in  texts about Indian extinction fail even as they are being made --  Conclusion : the continuing struggle over recognition.</span></span></p>\n<p><span><span>Available at UHLaw<br /></span></span></p>",
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            "note": "<p>Google Books blurb</p>\n<p>Recent years have witnessed a renewed debate over the costs at which the  benefits of free markets have been bought. This book revisits the moral  and political philosophy of Adam Smith, capitalism's founding father,  to recover his understanding of the morals of the market age. In so  doing it illuminates a crucial albeit overlooked side of Smith's  project: his diagnosis of the ethical ills of commercial societies and  the remedy he advanced to cure them. Focusing on Smith's analysis of the  psychological and social ills endemic to commercial society - anxiety  and restlessness, inauthenticity and mediocrity, alienation and  individualism - it argues that Smith sought to combat corruption by  cultivating the virtues of prudence, magnanimity, and beneficence. The  result constitutes a new morality for modernity, at once a synthesis of  commercial, classical, and Christian virtues and a normative response to  one of the most pressing political problems of Smith's day and ours.  Ryan Patrick Hanley is Assistant Professor of Political Science at  Marquette University. His research in the history of political  philosophy has appeared in the American Political Science Review, the  American Journal of Political Science, the Review of Politics, History  of Political Thought, the European Journal of Political Theory, and  other academic journals and edited volumes. He is also the editor of the  forthcoming Penguin Classics edition of Adam Smith's Theory of Moral  Sentiments, featuring an introduction by Amartya Sen, and a co-editor,  with Darrin McMahon, of The Enlightenment: Critical Concepts in History.</p>",
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            "note": "<p><span><span>Contents:</span></span></p>\n<p><span><span>Introduction -- The  problem : commerce and corruption -- Smith's defense of commercial  society -- What is corruption? : political and psychological  perspectives -- Smith on corruption : from the citizen to the human  being -- The solution : moral philosophy -- Liberal individualism and  virtue ethics -- Social science versus moral philosophy -- Two types of  moral philosophy : natural jurisprudence versus ethics -- Three types of  ethics : utilitarianism, deontology, and virtue ethics -- Virtue ethics  : modern, ancient, and Smithean -- Interlude : the what and the how of  TMS VI -- The what : Sith's \"practical system of morality\" -- The how :  rhetoric, audience, and the methods of practical ethics -- The how : the  ascent of self-love in three stages -- Prudence, or commercial virtue  -- The challenge : from praise to prudence -- Educating the vain :  fathers and sons -- Self-interest rightly understood -- The advantages  and disadvantages of prudence -- Magnanimity, or classical virtue -- The  problems of prudence and the therapy of magnanimity -- Up from  individualism : desert, praiseworthiness, conscience -- Modernity,  antiquity, and magnanimity -- The dangers of magnanimity -- Beneficence,  or Christian virtue -- Between care and caritas -- Benevolence and  beneficence and the human telos -- The character and purposes of the  wise and virtuous man -- Wisdom and virtue and Adam Smith's apology --  Epilogue: The \"economy of greatness\".</span></span></p>\n<p><span><span>Available at Hamilton<br /></span></span></p>",
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            "note": "<p>Notes from Tuti's first read</p>\n<p>Claim: \"sovereignty has taken a new form, composed of a series of national and supranational organisms united under a single logic of rule. This new global form of sovereignty is what we call Empire\" (xii).</p>\n<p>Modern sovereignty -Colonialism and imperialism existed in modern era. Empire operates in the post-modern era. \"The passage to Empire emerges from the twilight of modern sovereignty\" (xii).</p>\n<p>Capitalist mode of production is transforming.  The world is smoothing out. This is a more complex and nuanced articulation of Friedman's flat world. Regimes of \"differentiation,\" homogenization,\" deterritorialization,\" and \"reterritorialization\" are forming and re-forming in paths and flows of global production (xiii). \"In the postmodernization of the global economy, the creation of wealth tends ever more toward what we will call biopolitical production, the production of social life itself, in which the economic, the political, and the cultural increasingly overlap and invest one another\" (xiii).</p>\n<p>A new imperial form of sovereignty has emerged in which no nation-state can form the center of an imperial project in the post-modern era (xiii-xiv). \"No nation will be world leader in the way modern European nations were\" (xiv).</p>\n<p>The United States is founded on the imperial idea. The ideological founders of the US \"believed they were creating on the other side of the Atlantic a new Empire with open, expanding frontiers, where power would be effectively distributed in networks\" (xiv).</p>\n<p>\"The concept of Empire is characterized fundamentally by a lack of boundaries: Empire's rule has no limits. First and foremost, then, the concept of Empire posits a regime that effectively encompasses the spatial totality, or really that rules over the entire 'civilized' world\" (xiv).</p>\n<p>“The passage to Empire and its processes of globalization offer new possibilities to the forces of liberation. Globalization, of course, is not one thing, and the multiple processes that we recognize as globalization are not unified or univocal. Our political task, we will argue, is not simply to resist these processes but to reorganize them and redirect them toward new ends” (xv).</p>\n<p>The new ends the authors call for is “an alternative political organization of global flows and exchanges” (v) that construct new democratic forms and new constituent power. The key, as Alfred and Shiva would argue, is through the power of place and the practices in place of indigenous communities and local hybrid communities. These communities must contend with the non-place of Empire. (see chapter 2.6 Imperial Sovereignty).</p>\n<p>In the chapter Intermezzo: Counter Empire the authors write that \"whereas in the disciplinary era (the modern era) <em>sabotage</em> was the fundamental notion of resistance, in the era of imperial control (post-modern) it may be <em>desertion</em>\" (212). Empire exists nowhere and everywhere. There is no location of power that can be targeted with sabotage.</p>\n<p>“The new politics is given real substance only when we shift our focus from the question of form and order to the regimes and practices of production” (217).</p>\n<p>“With this passage the deconstructive phase of critical thought, which from Heidigger and Adorno to Derrida provided a powerful instrument for the exit from modernity, has lost its effectiveness. It is now a closed parenthesis and leaves us faced with a new task: constructing, in the non-place, a new place; constructing ontologically new determination of the human, of living – a powerful artificiality of being. (217)” They go on to suggest that Donna Harraway’s cyborgs stimulate the imagination, open up the terrains of possibility. They are looking for theoretical practice to actualize terrains of possibility (218). Here is where Taylor’s work with social imaginaries might be helpful.</p>",
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