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            "note": "<p>3 - Pastoral and Counter-Pastoral</p>\n<p>\"For if we look back into literature for significant writing about country life, we are taken many centuries beyond Virgil to the Works and Days of Hesiod, to the ninth century before Christ.&nbsp; And what we find there, in a very particular structure of customs and beliefs, is an epic of husbandry, in the widest sense: the practice of agriculture and trading within a way of life in which prudence and effort are seen as primary virtues\" (14)</p>\n<p>\"The Greek bucolic poets are very much later: some six centuries.&nbsp; It is in the Hellenistic world of the third century before Christ that 'pastoral', in any sense, emerges as a literary form\"</p>\n<p>\"thus 'pastoral', already has a different base: the tenth Idyll of Theocritus has a background of sowing and harvesting, but this is an exception; the normal work is the herdng of goats, sheep, and cattle.&nbsp; The working year of Hesiod, ploughing, tending vineyards, keeping pigs and sheep and goats, is thus already significantly altered\" (14).</p>\n<p>\"But as we move from Theocritus to Virgil, two centuries later, in the first century before Christ, we find a continuity of pastoral which in and through its literary elaboration maintains its contact with the working year and with the real social conditions of country life.&nbsp; Virgil's Eclogues are in one sense more idealized, as they are also more elaborate, than the idlyss of Theocritus; but the rural disturbance of his own Italy often breaks through into the poetically distant Arcadia\" (16)</p>\n<p>\"Thus the contrast within Virgilian pastoral is between the pleasures of rural settlement and the threat of loss and eviction.&nbsp; This developped, in its turn, into a contrast already familiar from some earlier literature, in times of war and civil distrurbance, when the peace of country life could be constrated with the disturbance of war and civil war and the political chaos of the cities.&nbsp; It depends very much how this contrast is made. It can be a present fact, as in Eclogues I and IX.&nbsp; It can be a living in retrospect, as in the sad memories of Meliboes.&nbsp; Or it can begin to be built into a wider system of ideas: a scheme of the past of of the future\" (17).</p>\n<p>\"It is only a short step from a natural delight in the fertility of the earth to this magical invocation of a land which needs no farming [...] What needs to be emphasized is not only the emergence of the idealizing tone, but also that it is not yet abstracted from the whole of a working of country life.&nbsp; Yet at the same time the idyllic note is being sounded in another context: that of the future: of a restoration, a second coming, of the golden age; one that is even politically imminent, as in Eclogue IV\" (17).</p>\n<p>**** \"So that even in these developments, of classical pastoral and other rural literature, wihich inaugurate tones and imaes of an ideal kind, there is almost invariably a tension with other kinds of experience: summer with winter; pleasure with loss; harvest with labour; singing with a journey; past or future with the present.&nbsp; The achievement, if it can be called that, of the Renaissance adaptation of just these classical modes is that, step by step, these living tensions are excised, until there is nothing countervailing, and seleced unages stand as themselves: not in a living but in an enamelled world\" (18).</p>\n<p>\"The long critical dispute, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, on the character of pastoral poetry had this much, at least, as common ground.&nbsp; What was at issues was mainly whether such an idyll the delightful Pastoral, should be referred always to the Golden Age, as Rapin and the eno-classicists argued; or to the more permanent and indeed timesless idea of the tranquility off life in the country, as Fontenelle and others maintained.&nbsp; In the former case, because it was the Golden Age, there was really peace and innocence.&nbsp; In the latter, there could still be an idea of these, a conventional literary illusion in native and contemporary scenes\" (19)</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>\"Yet 'pastoral', whith its once precise meaning, was undergoing in the same period an extraordinary transformation.&nbsp; Its most serious element was a renewed intensity of attention to natural beauty, but this is now the nature of observation, of the scientists or tourist, rather than of the working countryman.&nbsp; Thus the descriptive element in original astoral could be separated out, and a whole tradition of 'nature poetry'. strong and moving in these separated ways, could be founed to go in its major course, over several centuries, into our own time\" (20).</p>\n<p>\"The other main element was very different: pastoral became theatrical and romantic, in the strict senses.&nbsp; The pastoral romance, from Boccaccio to Sannazzaro's Arcadia, was a new form, in which the eclogue and natural description were absorbed into the essentially different world of an idealized romantic love [....] The pastoral drama [...] has more connection, obviously, with the real interests of the court than with country life in any of its possible forms\" (20-21).</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>\" 'Pastoral' means, we are told, the simple matter in which general truths are embodied or implied: even a modern proletarian industrial novel can be pastoral in this sense!&nbsp; But while as a critical procedure for understanding, say, Spencer, this is fair enough, its extension is absurd, and the absurdity has a point.&nbsp; As in so many other areas of English literary thought, there has been an effective and voluntary congealment at the point of significant historical transition, from a feudal to a bourgeois world.\" (21)</p>\n<p>\"What is much more significant is the internal transformation of just this artifical mode in the direction and in the interest of a new kind of society: that of a developing agrarian capitalism.&nbsp; Neo-pastoral as a court entertainment is one thing; neo-pastoral in its new location, the country-house and its estate, is quite another.&nbsp; We must fillow the development of the artifical exlogue and idyll but we shall only arrive at the decisive transition when these have been relocated in a new ideology, in the country house\" (22).</p>\n<p>*** \"<span style=\"background-color: #ffff00;\">The unworked-for providence of nature, that mythical or utopian image, is now, significantly, acquiring a social dimension: a 'clear and competent estate', well supplied with hired help. [...] What we can see happening, in this interesting development, is the conversion of conventional pastoral into a localized dream and then, increasingly, in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centures, into what can be offered as a description and thense an idealization of actual English country life and its social and economic relations.&nbsp; It was against this, as well as against conventional simpicities of literary neo-pastoral, that Crabbe was making his protest\" (25-26).</span></p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>\"It is a way of seeing the crisis of seventheenth century rural Englan, but of course it also reminds us that Cowley's 'bright and great metropolis' was not quit a often or as naturally as all that.&nbsp; <span style=\"background-color: #ffff00;\">Yet at the center of the structure of feeling which is here in question&nbsp; - a relation between the country houses and a responsible civilization - are the poems to actual places and men: notably Ben Jonson's Penshurst and To Sir Robert Wroth, and Thomas Carew's To Saxham.&nbsp; Theses are not, in any simple sense, pastoral or neo-pastoral, but they use a particular version of country life as a way of expressing, in the form of a compliment to a house or its owner, certain social and moral values\" (27)</span></p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>\"this view of the providence of nature is linked to a human sharing: all are welcome, even the poor, to be fed at this board.&nbsp; And it is this stress, more than any other, which has supported the view of a responsible civilization, in which men care for each other directly and personally, rather than through the abstractions of a more complication and more commercial society.&nbsp; This, we are told, is the natural order of responsibility and neighborliness and charity: words we do not now clearly understand, since Old England fell\" (30).</p>\n<p>\"A charity of production - of loving reations between men actually working and producing what is ultimately, in whatever proportions, to be shared - was neglected, not seen, and at times suppressed, by this habitual reference to a charity of consumption, an eating and drinking communion, which when applied to ordinary working societies was inevitably a mystification.&nbsp; All uncharity at work, it was readily assumed, could be redeemed by the charity of the consequent feast.&nbsp; In this complex of feeling and reference derived from this tradition, it matters very much, moreover, that the name of the god and the name of the master are singificantly single - our Lord\" (31)</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>\"It isthis connection, between the feast and work, that the earlier images significantly obscure, taking the passing moment in which anyone might forget labour and acquiesce in 'the Cheat', and makin it 'natural' and permanent.&nbsp; It is this way of seeing that really counts.&nbsp; Jonson looks out ver the fields of Penshurst and sees, not work, but a land yielding of itself\" (32).</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>",
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            "note": "<p>\"Against sentimental and intelectualized accounts of an unlocalized 'Old England\", we need, evidently, the sharpest skepticism.&nbsp; But some at least of these witnesses were writing from direct experience.&nbsp; What we have to inquire into is not, in these cases, historical error, but historical perspective\" (10)</p>\n<p>\"The witnesses we have summoned raise questions of historical fact and perspective, but they&nbsp; raise questions, also, of literary fact and perspective.&nbsp; The things they are saying are not all in the same mode.&nbsp; They range, as facts, from a speech in a play and a passage in a novel to an argument in an essay and a note in a journal.&nbsp; When the facts are poems, they are also, and perhaps crucially, poems of different kinds.&nbsp; We can only analyse these important structures of feeling if we make, from the beginning, these critical discriminations.&nbsp; And then the first problem of definition, a persistant problem of form, is the question of pastoral, of what is known as pastoral\" (12).</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>",
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            "note": "<p>Chapter 1 - Ordering Englishness</p>\n<p>\"while the CPRE was not averse to rural elegy, the argument of this chapter is that this movement for preservation entailed not a conservative protection of the old against the new but an attempt to plan a landscape simultaneously modern and traditional under the guidance of an expert public authority.&nbsp; We will consdier in turn the modes of authority and government cultivated by this movement, the order of settlement it envisaged, and the modern content of its English landscapes.\" (25-26)</p>\n<p>\"A sense of the preservationists' self-belief and presumed authority ca be gained from considering the typical form of their arguments, bamely binary contrasts of good and evil, order and chaos, beauty and horror, which are routinely deployed so as to make preservation appear a matter of national fundamentals.&nbsp; This language is not simply polemical excess.&nbsp; Preservationists use binary absolutes in their statements both to raise the stakes and claim a clear and absolute authority over landscape\" (26)</p>\n<p>\"Precise, composed and triumphant, Saint George stands for a certain England, for a gentle force of order, for the preservationists sure categories of judgement\" (26).</p>\n<p>\"It was this openness to modern design and reconstruction which enabled preservationist planning to achieve a position of cultural and political power during and after the Second World War\" (27)</p>\n<p>\"we highlight how the preservation movement constituted itself by connecting Englishness and government in such a way as to challenge prvate rights and restyle public authority\" (28)</p>\n<p>\"Wary of the current constitution of public authority, preservationists were cautious of proposing control via public ownership of land.&nbsp; A delicate balancing act occurs whereby 'responsible' private ownership is upheld and a role for the state fashioned&nbsp; which follows landowning etiquette through metaphor of the nation estate\" (28)</p>\n<p>\"It is important to place the mergence of preservationist argument in the 1920s and 1930s within a widespread interrogation of existing modes of government at a time of economic and political crisis.&nbsp; Across the political spectrum planning, whether via public works, state planning boards, or a fully fledged corporate state, was upheld as offering a new basis for social and political organization at a time when laissez-faire capitalism was in crisis\" (29-30).</p>\n<p>\"Baldwin's bucolic dreamings could be echoed in some preservationist writing, there is a crucial difference.&nbsp; Baldwin's Conservative Englishness of social harmony, constitutional caution, organic culture and pastoral community is a site for neither anger nor action.&nbsp; A politics of control, regulation and dramatic planning could not belong here.&nbsp; Baldwin's landcsape accomodated a quiet, ordinary, evasive little England, not the assertive English future envisioned in the preservationist argument.&nbsp; Different political aesthetics work through different senses of order in the landscape.&nbsp; Preservationists offered a scene of leadership and action, with the expert rather than the ordinary person the key shaper of the land\" (30).</p>\n<p>\"We will find in this and other chapters, uneasy connections with German and Italian schemes of planning and preservation, affinities with what Herf describes in the context of the German Right as a 'reactionary modernism' turning a 'romantic anti-capitalism...away from backward-looking pastoralism, pointing instead to the outlines of a beautiful new order replacing the formless chaos due to capitalism in a united, technologically advanced nation'\" (31)</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>",
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            "note": "<p>4 - Golden Ages</p>\n<p>\"And then what seems an old order, a 'traditional' society, keeps appearing, reappearing, at bewilderingly various dates: in practice as an idea, to some extent based in experience, against which contemporary change can be measured\" (35).</p>\n<p>\"For a retrospective radicalism, against the crudness and narrowness of a new moneyed order, is often made to do service as a critique of the capitalism of our own day: to carry humane feelings and yet ordinarily to attach them to a pre-capitalist and therefore irrecoverable world\" (36)</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>\"But also, and more important, this kind of critique of capitalism enfolds social values which, if they do become active, at once spring to the defence of certain kinds of order, certain social hierarchies and moral stabilities, which have a feudal ring but a more relevant and more dangerous contemporary application.&nbsp; Some of these 'rural' virtues, in twentieth century intellectual movements, leave the land to become the charter of explicit social reaction: in the defence of traditional property settlements, or in the offensive against democracy in the name of blood and soil\" (36)</p>\n<p>\"Between the simple backward look and the simple progresive thrust there is room for long argument but none for enlightenment.&nbsp; We mist begin differently: not in the idealizations of one order or another, but in the history to which they are only partial and misleading responses\" (37)</p>\n<p>\"It is not, taken as a whole a story of decline from the medieval order, but of vigorous, often brutally vigorous growth.&nbsp; Down to the Civil War there was some official resistance to wholesale enclosure and the new kinds of ownership, but in the Restoration a government of the new kind of landlord was at last in control.&nbsp; This marked the decisive enstablishment of the new order which had been developing for a least two centuries: an order already physically present in the great pastoral estates and in the rebuilt houses, especially the 'country houses' [...] A more settled and centralized order - a system of social and economic rather than directly military and physical control - was now fully in being\" (39)</p>\n<p>\"but for the majority of e it was the substitution of one form of domination for another: the mystified feudal order replaced by a mystified agrarian capitalist order, with just enough continuity, in titles and in symbols of authority, in successive compositions of a 'natural order', to confuse and control\" (39).</p>\n<p>*******\"But then the great problem of English rural history s the endless complication of intermediate classes: between the feudal lord and the serf [...]But there have also been powerful spokesmen, in every period, for the intermediate classes: indeed many more than there have been for the real and permanent majority of the truly exploited and landless.&nbsp; These varying, sometimes unconscious, identifications matter, for it is in their light that we must examine both the reactions to disturbance and the recurrent myth of a happier and more natural past\" (40)</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>",
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            "note": "<p>Chpt 8 - Landscape and Englishness in an Altered State</p>\n<p>\"a more interesting and powerful challenge to a landscape of modern consensus came through variants of verbacular Englishness\" (278)</p>\n<p>\"As Raphael Samuel's essays on 'Retrofitting' and 'Retrochic' have shown, during the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, the everyday environment shifts, indoors and out, from a modernist ethos of clean design to a style of life picking and choosing from the past, a new temporality of everyday living.&nbsp; Rational interiors retreat, neo-vernacular moves in\" (280)</p>\n<p>\"And as modern farming becomes a dragon, so organicism returns with a public impact which is much more significant that that in the 1930s and 1940s; recent years have seen the republication of elements of organicist literature from the earlier era\" (281)</p>\n<p>\"As the status of Nature and the distinction of organicism and mechanism, human and machine, becomes ever less certain, organicist thinking gains popular appeal by offering a solid, natural, moral ground.&nbsp; What is needed, though, is perhaps less an appeal to a foundational nature than a recognition, as indeed Mabey suggested in The Common Ground, that what it is to be natural has always been a matter of culture, just as cultures have always been constituted through nonhuman objects, organic and inorganic\"&nbsp;(281)</p>\n<p>\"It turns out that far from being a simple ground of value, the category of Nture can be complex, unstable, even transgressive of its supposed boundaries, as befits what Raymond Williams termed 'the most complex word in the language'\" (281)</p>\n<p>\"A language of community and citizenship mixing a Labour and Liberal heritage became central to a sometimes moralistic argument on the relations between the individual and society, government and people\" (282)</p>\n<p>\"if the significance and nature of the national scale is a matter for debate, it remains the case that the material considered in this book provides a reference point for arguments over the built and non-built environment\"</p>\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\n<p>\"The countryside may still be upheld as a symbol of national identity, but does it follow that environmental practices signify national citizenship?&nbsp; Open-air movements may prosperand birdwatching thrive, and both may be bound up with moral geographies of personal, local, and even global improvement, but such activities no longer operate within a moral geography of nation and state whereby citizen and country are to progress for mutual improvement.&nbsp; Different scales of local and global value pertain, and it remains to be seen whether it is possible or desirable for landscape and Englishness to once more come into alignment through the body of the citizen\" (283)</p>",
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            "note": "<p>conclusions</p>\n<p>i village people</p>\n<ul>\n<li>the countryman~link this to my notion of 'the old boys'</li>\n</ul>\n<p>ii a particular village</p>\n<ul>\n<li>the nucleated, 'southern' english village and its place in the imagination</li>\n<li>dualsim of country and city against suburbs retains strength</li>\n</ul>\n<p>iii the time of the village</p>\n<ul>\n<li>cyclical time, mystical time, village of the future, village of the past (hoskins)</li>\n</ul>\n<p>iv conusmption of place</p>\n<ul>\n<li>\"consumption has often been lent a hint of immorality, of indulgence, of decadence, at odds with a moral discourse of health and vigour often located in the country</li>\n<li>link this to the idea of cider as a consumable object of the countryside and its experience through the non-visual senses - Bulmer's \"taste the view\"</li>\n</ul>\n<p>v belonging in the village</p>\n<ul>\n<li>\"The village is also told as a place where uniqueness, quirkiness, even eccentricity pertains, despite wider forces seeking its erasure.  The village is thus a reservoir of particularity, often set up as a counter to the values of commerce and the official state.  The latter are presented as forces for standardization, imposing uniformity over places.  The village is given as expressing values of variety, of the individual, of the unofficial, of the particular\" (81)</li>\n</ul>",
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            "note": "<p>American Ginseng and the Idea of the Commons</p>\n<p> </p>\n<p>Mary Hufford’s website article, “American Ginseng and the Idea of the Commons,” discusses the idea of the commons as an intersection of cultural and geographic identities in relation to the particular example of the Ginseng culture of Appalachian states of Kentucky, West Virginia, and Tennessee.  Hufford foregrounds the idea that the commons is neither simply a place nor an idea.  Rather, the commons is a zone of cultural production where human activity interacts with material resources in a known location.  In the Appalachian example, the commons is a real place – the upland zones used by residents for hunting, foraging, pasturage, and other uses that produce for them both a source of material capital and a source of cultural capital.  In the process of using and traversing the landscape, residents develop a knowledge of it that passes into a shared cultural identity, seen in Hufford’s article in the narrative, customs, histories, and ethics that users of the commons share.  Hufford identifies this cultural capital as a source of civic life, and it is here that her argument points toward, but does not develop in detail, a convincing argument about the relationship between a physical landscape and its cultural resources that contributes to significant civic identity.  This “civic” identity, an identity beyond personal relations, is where notions of property, law, and public begin, and where we can transition from discussions of culture to discussions of proper policy concerning culture.  Hufford suggests that policy, to date, has ignored the connection of civic life to cultural life, and following that, the connection of culture to its natural resources, and foregrounds the need to recognize these connections for effective and culturally sensitive resource management.</p>",
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