To cite this Article Sampaio, Anna(2004) 'Transnational Feminisms in a New Global Matrix', International Feminist
\nJournal of Politics, 6: 2, 181 — 206
\n\n
Thus, the mobility of capital in this period, coupled with the historic
\nmarginalization of peasant and indigenous populations across the globe has
\ncreated a transnational underclass who have consistently paid a price for
\nglobalization in the forms of labor exploitation, de-territorialization, displacement,
\nforced/coerced migration and the shrinking of support mechanisms
\nsuch as state subsidies, welfare and minimum wage. In
\n\n
In this context, the need for interdependent bi-national, transnational
\nand global frameworks for organizing becomes an important part of the
\nconversation regarding Chicanas and Latinas in the United States and their
\nLatin American counterparts.
\n\n
ESTAÁ BIEN, PONER EL CONTEXTO Y DECIR QUE ES NECESARIO HACER ALIANZAS Y DE ALLÍ PLANTEAR LA INVESTIGACIÓN.
\n\n
They expected this alternative to distinguish itself
\nfrom the male-centered, hierarchical pattern ascribed to in much of the
\nChicano and American Indian leadership in Denver and attempted to form a
\ndecentralized coalition whose aim was to create strategic alliances that
\nhighlighted their gender, racial, cultural and class consciousness. In this
\ncapacity, Hermanas sought to create a position akin to what Emma Pe´ rez
\n(1999) describes as a ‘ 3rd space feminism’ ; that is, a place in which to recover
\na history of shared experiences that had been lost in the writing of Chicano
\nand Latino history. Their reading of how changing economic circumstances
\nhad constrained their own opportunities as students and as single mothers
\nand affected the vitality of the largely working-class communities from which
\nthey came also structured their organizational aims (Sampaio 2002).
\n\n
In forming this organization, Las Hermanas sought to move beyond the
\nconfi nes of both Colorado and the USA to link their struggles with the
\nhistories of other women (especially indigenous women) in Latin America,
\nand in Mexico in particular. Much like Gloria Anzaldu´ a’ s (1987) articulation
\nof a mestiza consciousness, or Chela Sandoval’ s (1991) ‘ oppositional consciousness
\nand third world feminism’ , Las Hermanas maintained that Chicanas
\nshared a social, political and economic location with women in Mexico by
\nvirtue of the relationship to colonialism, globalization and racial, gendered
\nand class subordination in this century.
\n\n
The foundations of this specifi c articulation of mestiza consciousness are
\nbest noted in the writings of Norma Alarco´ n (1981), Cherrie Moraga and
\nAnzaldu´ a (1984) and Gloria Anzaldu´ a (1987). Marked by the contradiction
\nof their historical position between colonial subject and colonizer, between
\ndominant and subordinate cultures, between the USA and Latin America, mestiza
\nexperiences often embody what Anzaldu´ a refers to as ‘ mental nepantilism,
\nan Aztec word meaning torn between ways’ (Anzaldu´ a 1987: 77). By virtue of
\nthis historical contradiction mestizas become agents in a ‘ new consciousness’ .
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Central to this analysis is an examination of the increased pressures born by women of color and the emergence of new strategies of resistance that move outside nationalist and state-centered models. The article highlights such alliances between a group of US Chicanas and Latinas from Colorado, and indigenous women in Chiapas, Mexico, paying particular attention to the transformative relationships as well as the points of tension and disruption. Overall, the article brings into conversation theories of oppositional consciousness among US ‘Third World Feminists’ and postcolonial feminist critiques of globalization to map the boundaries of a transnational feminism useful for women encountering hierarchies of race, class and gender in the new millennium.", "publicationTitle": "International Feminist Journal of Politics", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "2004", "volume": "6", "issue": "2", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "181-206", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "", "DOI": "10.1080/1461674042000211290", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1461674042000211290", "accessDate": "2013-07-15T16:42:12Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "1461-6742", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "Taylor and Francis+NEJM", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2013-07-15T16:42:12Z", "dateModified": "2013-07-15T16:42:12Z" } }, { "key": "BZE8S8C9", "version": 43, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 184093, "name": "Post-Colonial Feminism", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/post-colonial_feminism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/184093/items/BZE8S8C9", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/post-colonial_feminism/items/BZE8S8C9", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/184093/items/67NC66GU", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 1485414, "username": "selabarna", "name": "", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/selabarna", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "BZE8S8C9", "version": 43, "parentItem": "67NC66GU", "itemType": "note", "note": "Robbins, Bruce (2003). SOUL MAKING: GAYATRI SPIVAK ON UPWARD MOBILITY. CULTURAL STUDIES 17(1), 16–26.
\n\n
\n
\n
While she inspired this line of argument, Spivak of course also challenges it. Her references to the welfare state tend to be reminders that, as Samir Amin and Immanuel Wallerstein have long maintained, the existence of the welfare state in the North is the definitive sign of systematic inequality between North
\nand South (Amin, 1980; Wallerstein, 1991).4 Even if I am right to bring out a hidden egalitarianism in the upward mobility story, it could still be true that the price of egalitarianism at home is imperialism abroad. I will discuss this more in the conclusion. (18)
\n\n
The identity conferred by the domestic division of labour (class identity) is dissolved and reshaped by the identity conferred by the internacional division of labour (colonial identity), the division of labour between nations and regions, which we must remember is not merely the same division at a larger scale but on the contrary a replacement and counter-term that shakes the orthodox, internalist, undifferentiated notion of class identity to its foundations (Spivak, 1999: 69).5 (18)
\n\n
it seems to me that Spivak has gestured toward something like my own argument linking upward mobility
\nto the cooler, less satisfying brand of love, still compromised by hierarchy and injustice, that is historically embodied in the welfare state. (22)
\n\n
Spivak:
\n\n
—— (1999) A Critique of Postcolonial Reason: Toward a History of the Vanishing Present
\n.Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
\n\n
—— (2000) ‘Thinking cultural questions in “pure” literary terms’. In Paul Gilroy, Lawrence Grossberg and Angela McRobbie (eds) Without Guarantees: In Honor of Stuart Hall . London: Verso, 335–57.
\n\n
\n
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Mercer, C.; Mohan, G. & Power, M. (2003) Towards a critical political geography of African development. Geoforum 34: 419–436. www.elsevier.com/locate/geoforum
\n\n
According to Blair, the international community has a moral duty to uphold the principles of democracy, peace, stability and development; because if the suffering of African states is ignored, they will only breed further anger and frustration, which would threaten global stability. (421)
\n\n
Our argument is that much of the theory and praxis of development including some development studies,
\ngeography, and politics seems unable to break from its colonial past. (423)
\n\n
Trusteeship in colonial administration was all about the mission to civilize others, to strengthen the weak, to give experience to the _child-like_ colonial peoples who required supervision. Under the UN Charter, the trusteeship system was intended to promote the welfare of the _natives_ and to _advance_ them toward self-government. (423)
\n\n
Despite all the talk of _empowerment_, _partnership_ and _participation_, development is still very much
\nsomething that is defined and enunciated by the _first world_. Just as in colonial times, the frameworks and strategies of development are authored outside of the country concerned, grounded in foreign (especially neoliberal) ideologies and backed up by the long-arm of debt conditionality. (423)
\n\n
Populist participatory development attempts to _reverse_ outsider bias, top-downism and expert knowledge but tends to essentialise the local community, sees no space for productive dialogues between _us_ and _them_, and rejects the state as the most likely institution for promoting equality and redistribution. Anti-developmentalism attempts to valorise alternatives to development in multiple localities, but can romanticize poverty, reify resistance, fragment political struggle, and force a development trajectory on people under the banner of rejecting development entirely. Afrocentrism (and other nationalisms) attempts to re-write history from an African perspective and place African initiative at the centre of societal progress, but in doing so it creates an historically inaccurate, unchanging and _nativist _ view of Africa. (424)
\n\n
Stuart Hall (1996) suggests that post-colonial scholars have yet to explore the relationship between post-colonialism and global capitalisms (see also Ahluwalia, 2001; Dirlik, 1994; Hart, 2001; McEwan, 2001). (426)
\n\n
We would argue that it is not always necessary to choose between either focussing on questions of hybridity and postcolonial identities or on questions of poverty and materiality, but rather we want to suggest that there are a range of interconnections between economic and cultural issues, which in the context of a significant cultural turn in economic geography, would seem to suggest that there is now more scope for sympathetic engagement between these two areas of enquiry. Furthermore, this works both ways, in that a greater interest in economic and cultural issues within development geography and development studies will enable us to address intractable issues of redistribution and participation, again suggesting less of an either/or scenario in relation to these themes. (427)
\n\n
First, since colonisation was not a straightforward and uniform process then decolonization cannot be an easy process of reversal or denial. Mudimbe (1988) has argued that colonial organization involved ‘‘the domination of physical space, the reformation of natives_ minds, and the integration of local economic histories into the Western perspective’’ (Mudimbe, 1988, p. 2, original emphasis). This domination is simultaneously spatial, ideological and material. However, it was not uniform and generated multiple geographies and histories. By the same token decolonisation must be attentive to the space–time specificities of African development. Second, if knowledge and identities were created inter-subjectively or syncretically then it is impossible to identify and split off the colonial inflections from some more authentic African traits. Equally it is not useful to reject all _Western_ knowledge and influence as _bad_ and everything indigenous as _good_ since these binary categories have little meaning in a world of globalising cultures. The answer to Orientalism is not an equally crude Occidentalism, but recognition of the mutual construction of societies and subjectivities. Third, decolonisation involves both the coloniser and the colonised. It is not simply about finding ways of giving _voice_ to the hitherto silenced and marginalised, but about challenging the epistemological basis of hegemonic thought. (428)
\n\n
Transnational communities is a general concept which subsumes diasporas. Diasporas, by definition, are not voluntary while transnational communities are more voluntaristic and strategic. However, Johnson-Odim (2000, p. 51) warns us ‘‘People become a part of a diaspora either because they voluntarily migrate or because they are forcibly relocated. Voluntary migration, however, is not as _clean_ as it may first appear––that is, people may often leave _voluntarily_ because of violent forces’’. So, people move and diasporas develop for more positive reasons than forced expulsion which is where they blur with transnational communities. Note 4. (430)
\n\n
This meant that being part of the African Diaspora means being simultaneously part of the west, yet radically different from it because of both racial and cultural difference. This creates an understanding of cultural identity that ‘‘is not a fixed essence at all, lying unchanged outside history and culture’’ (Hall, 1994, p. 395). (431)
\n\n
Importantly, this exchange also raises questions about the possibility of transcending simplistic notions of hierarchical scales, from local to global and of thinking about the linking and intertwining of places. (433)
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Central to our thesis are two intertwining legacies, paralleling Edward Said’s Orientalism. The first is the construction of Africa in the western imagination and the second is an enduring trusteeship towards the continent. The core movement we seek to critique and move beyond is the complicity between racialised knowledges about Africa and a series of political interventions that seek to ‘help’ Africans to develop. The paper begins by examining the legacy of colonialism in the policies towards and representations of Africa. Although selective and schematic we argue that what unites these power–knowledge constructions is a sense of trusteeship towards the continent. The next step is to look at ways of decolonising our knowledges as a means to effect more appropriate political engagement with Africa. For this we touch on a range of theoretical positions, but look most closely at the corpus of post-colonial theory for ways of doing this. While not uncritical of post-colonialism we find it potentially useful for destabilising western authority and in addressing questions of popular agency and cultural constructions of exclusion. From here we attempt a reformulation which addresses the role of the state, the politics of place and space, and the ways in which ‘we’––professional geographers––might go about our work.", "publicationTitle": "Geoforum", "publisher": "", "place": "", "date": "novembre 2003", "volume": "34", "issue": "4", "section": "", "partNumber": "", "partTitle": "", "pages": "419-436", "series": "", "seriesTitle": "", "seriesText": "", "journalAbbreviation": "Geoforum", "DOI": "10.1016/S0016-7185(03)00045-9", "citationKey": "", "url": "http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0016718503000459", "accessDate": "2013-07-15T16:34:18Z", "PMID": "", "PMCID": "", "ISSN": "0016-7185", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "Contains papers on New perspectives on the politics of development in Africa", "language": "", "libraryCatalog": "ScienceDirect", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [ { "tag": "Africa", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Decolonisation", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Development studies", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Political geography", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Post-colonialism", "type": 1 }, { "tag": "Trusteeship", "type": 1 } ], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2013-07-15T16:34:18Z", "dateModified": "2013-07-15T16:34:18Z" } }, { "key": "AXP53RD9", "version": 33, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 184093, "name": "Post-Colonial Feminism", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/post-colonial_feminism", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/184093/items/AXP53RD9", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/post-colonial_feminism/items/AXP53RD9", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/184093/items/PNG8DR9V", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 1485414, "username": "selabarna", "name": "", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/selabarna", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "AXP53RD9", "version": 33, "parentItem": "PNG8DR9V", "itemType": "note", "note": "
Rath, S. (2004) Post/past-’Orientalism’ Orientalism and its dis/re-orientation. Comparative American Studies. An International Journal. Vol 2(3): 342–359.
\n\n
Said explains Orientalism as ‘a way of coming to terms with the Orient that is based on the Orient’s special place in European Western experience’ (p. 1), as a final product of a process one might call Orientalization. In the modern sense of an old fashioned word, it is an image of the east forged in the western mind over an extended period of time. (344)
\n\n
One may summarize the Saidian concern in one word: intentionality. If the images of the Orient in the west were shifting in shape and color through different periods of history, Said’s point would be moot. Given our understanding of how realities are constructed, deconstructed and reconstructed from time to time, of what human agencies participate in this historical revisionism, and to what degree and under what circumstances these forged realities are claimed as absolute and eternal truths, Said’s objection to the west’s characterization of the east seems well taken; at least, a sensible and reasonable mind should be open to entertaining a dialogue on his observations and questions. Yet Orientalism has been criticized for preserving and replicating the oppositional presumptions that Said sets out to correct. (345)
\n\n
In a postcolonial world, it is the subaltern’s emerging voice; in an oppressive regime, it is the voice of
\ndissidence and dissent. In contrast to the logocentric reliance on the reifying power of words over things, one might argue that the very order of the language, the ecology of its sounds and thoughts, derives from the mind’s intercourse with the landscape. To learn the indigenous language, then, is to know what speakers of the language have made of the land. (347)
\n\n
What is the meaning of a ‘first’ world if there is no ‘third’ world? The contingencies of value are relative at best. As Said so aptly reminds us, ‘Each age and society re-creates its “Others” ’ , that ‘identity of self or of “other” is a much worked over historical, social, intellectual and political process that takes place as a contest involving individuals and institutions in all societies’ (1994: 332). (348)
\n\n
Said, Edward (1978 [1994]) Orientalism. New York: Vintage.
\n\n
If the western image of the Middle East, as Said believes, was shaped by willful misrepresentation of the Arab, the American pro-Pakistan diplomatic rhetoric seems anomalous. Perhaps the new American hunger for cultural hegemony around the globe needs to be read from another perspective: perhaps at the root of the western paranoia toward the east lies the tabooed desire to kill or destroy the cultures that pre-date Christianity, an Oedipal desire to massacre and rape the parent cultures that thrived before the beginning of Christendom. Often the massacre is indiscriminate, its passion blinded by an impulse for self-preservation and self-advancement. (349)
\n\n
\n
One may indeed suggest that in the last 25 years Orientalism as a metaphor has realized itself, that from its initial position as an object of cultural or literary study, the topic has now become a subject imbued with the agency to change perception and understanding. (349)
\n\n
The new faces of Orientalism in the early 21st century globalized world of immigration, diaspora, boundary crossings, cross-border terrorism, mixed ethnicities, and international and inter-racial adoptions reveal more complex problems. Whereas in the past the Orient and the Oriental could be seen and spoken of as ‘there’ and ‘them’, the new world has eliminated the distance, bringing ‘them’ here, and making us out of them – especially those who are second-generation immigrants. Together with the rise of Japan and Korea as economic powers through commercial technology, the late emergence of India and Pakistan as nuclear powers, the strategic oil diplomacy exercised by the Middle Eastern countries, and the threat of nuclear capability in countries Duch as North Korea and Brazil, the old distinctions between the west as the seat of industry and civilization and the east as the location of primitive and tribal cultures have to be reformulated. (350)
\n\n
Arif Dirlik has facetiously noted that postcolonialism began ‘when the Third World intellectuals arrived in First World academe’ (Dirlik, 1994: 294), but the winds of change began to blow much earlier, when the west’s façade of self-aggrandizement imploded under the weight of its own ethical neurosis. Said’s Orientalism alerted the west to the fierce power of these winds in a language and form familiar to the western intellect. (355)
\n\n
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In the last quarter century Orientalism has acquired a 'symbolic value' that was at best present as a 'potential value', thus realizing itself; from its initial position as an object of cultural study it has now become a subject imbued with the agency to change perception and understanding. It has problematized Orientalism itself and associated issues of the new globalism, such as immigration, diaspora, boundary crossings, cross-border terrorism, mixed ethnicities, international and inter-racial adoptions, and travel. 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Mandalios, J. (2000). Being and cultural difference: (mis)understanding otherness in early modernity. Thesis eleven, 62: 91 – 108.
\n\n
The following discussion examines the antecedents of these philosophers’ attempts to grapple with ontological difference, focusing mainly on pre-evolutionary and perspectivist conceptions of human alterity from the point of view of a civilization-analytic of being and its world disclosure. (91)
\n\n
What this means in terms of the identity of the American Indian and European constructs of otherness is that conceptions of the other (autrui) were founded on an absolutist cosmology which was at once universalistic (i.e. ‘all creatures of God’s design’), hierarchical (i.e. the gradations of species types in his design) and static (i.e. fixed species types among the gradations). (93)
\n\n
The natural law tradition failed to adequately provide or create a space for the natives’ differentness and it could not completely exorcise notions of social hierarchy. Its failure was, in part, due to a unversalistic conception of the rights of men which had not rigorously problematized the historical development of the species in its manifold forms. This meant that it was unable to resolve the tension between the universal claims of Columbus, or his Emperor, and the particular claims and interests of a separate territorial community. (95)
\n\n
The forms of nakedness, lawlessness, propertylessness, cannibalism, incest, licentiousness and diseasesusceptible bodies reported to exist in America (and also particularly in Africa, e.g. the Hottentots) gave rise to notions of a Wild Man who was in kind closer to the beasts than the species of the civilized European. (100)
\n\n
Here, the Indian savage was not a beast of some kind but an uncivilized member of the human species who greatly lagged behind his occidental superiors because he failed to realize his capacity to (a) dominate nature (technical know-how), (b) cultivate reason (construct polities and establish rule of law) and (c) engage in self-improvement through social and moral regulation. (103)
\n\n
To save the Indian from such a lowly existence and to raise him from such a rank, Europeans ‘taught’ him the virtues of settled life, private property, Christian worship and morality, abstract knowledge, regimentad work and mannered conduct in public. (105)
\n\n
That is, if the natives were represented as a subhuman or super-animal breed, existing contiguously to the Europeans, then their extermination, ruination or enslavement would become ‘justifiable’ on the grounds that human conventions and obligations could not apply to them. (105)
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My work
\nencapsulates multiple situated standpoints—distinctive, competing, and
\noften contradictory angles of vision that shift not only when I vary physical
\nand intellectual social locations but also when times change around
\n\n
me. While it has been tempting to simplify my situated standpoints and
\nmerge them into a homogeneous narrative to make the world more comfortable
\nfor me, my challenge has been to sustain a commitment to dialogical
\nknowledge production, especially in situations of conflict.
\n\n
C. Wright Mills’s rich concept of the sociological
\nimagination that places individual biography, history, and society
\nin dialogue becomes useful to ground dialogical knowledge production.
\nHere I use this construct as an organizing principle to revisit selected
\naspects of my life’s work. I examine two significant social locations that
\nnurtured my intellectual work, namely, (1) my six-year engagement with
\nthe community schools movement in Boston, Massachusetts, and (2) my
\n23-year career as a professor in an African American Studies department.
\nIn both places, I was neither blindly trying to change society nor dispassionately
\nstudying it. Rather, I was actively engaged in trying to foster
\nsocial justice, using the power of ideas as my weapon of choice. (p. 15)
\n\n
I felt hemmed in by the default question that
\nrepeatedly emerged within Women’s Studies: “How can Black and white
\nwomen get along?” Instead, I chose an equally if not more difficult path of
\ntalking to Black men and women about patriarchy in African American
\ncommunities. Years later, in From Black Power to Hip Hop (2006), I was
\nable to analyze these two different ways of doing Black feminism, weighing
\nthe costs and benefits of each. To this day, I find it far easier to challenge
\nwhite women on issues of race than Black men on questions of gender and
\nsexuality.
\n\n
The critical pedagogy that I used in “Contemporary Black Women” also
\nhelped me sharpen my understanding of the significance of standpoint
\nepistemology. This class pushed me to see how my earlier understanding
\nof situated standpoints as an individual concern was too narrow—situated
\nstandpoints were also collectively constructed angles of vision on the
\nworld.
\n\n
Three core themes permeate the Intersectionality project. First,
\nIntersectionality traces the recent manifestation of intersectionality as a
\nconstruct associated with Black feminism. As a “traveling theory,” intersectionality
\nis being used across disciplinary borders and in different
\nnational contexts, as well as across boundaries that separate scholarly
\nknowledge from the everyday knowledge of social activists. What happens
\nwhen an idea like intersectionality travels across multiple social locations?
\nFor example, what are the effects on an idea developed within a specific
\nsocial context, in this case intersectionality developed within social movement
\npolitics, that travels into other settings with very different power
\nrelations?
\n\n
Second, the Intersectionality project examines the epistemological
\ndebates concerning intersectionality within higher education. One of the
\nmajor problems facing scholars and activists working with this concept
\nlies with its definition. Many approach intersectionality as if it is already
\ndefined and thus ignore the points of convergence and contradiction that
\ncharacterize scholarship that claims to be informed by intersectionality.
\nBut what exactly is intersectionality? Because intersectionality constitutes
\n\n
the term currently applied to a diverse set of practices, interpretations,
\nmethodologies, and political orientations, we cannot assume that we are
\nstudying a fixed body of knowledge, methodological framework, or theoretical
\norientation. Is intersectionality a concept? Is it a paradigm, a heuristic
\ndevice? Or is it a theory? Intersectionality may be one, some, all or
\nnone of the above. The volume does not aim to solve these debates, but
\nrather to generate a cognitive map of some of the major issues.
\nA final theme of the Intersectionality project concerns the future prospects
\nfor intersectionality in scholarship, research, and social action. Here
\nthe project looks outward at actual social conditions, especially my interest
\nin placing engaged scholarship in service to contemporary social justice
\nprojects. In what ways, if any, is intersectionality a useful concept in explaining
\ncurrent patterns of social injustice and in pointing the way forward
\ntoward social justice? Is intersectionality destined to be an ever-more-elegant social theory that explains oppression? Or, in the spirit of St. Joseph’s community school, can we use it to foster social justice? Time will tell.
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