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The paper tackles the issue on institutional change, which is the theoretical motivation for this research. From the perspective of academic scientists, they have to respond to institutional pressure exerted by the changing legal regulation of intellectual property. From the point of view of business community, such as DuPont, their initial attempt to initiate business with acamedia seems to be a failure. Also at the empirical level, to what extent does the emergence of patenting denote institutional change? The bypass and daily life resistance/subverting legal regulation on intellectual property by academic scientists (at least at the early stage of post-licensing)seems consistent with what Meyer and Rowan term \"the decouping\" between formal structure and informal activities.  Particularly related to the scientists' response to Oncomouse, while they blamed DuPont's aggressive bussiness goal, ironically, they started patenting their own research. To reconcile the discrepancy, they frame patenting as something similar to publication.  This process is also fued by the social learning of individuals. For example, Brinster received equal academic \"credit\" for their work but the patent allowed for no such multiples. Brinster's research did not \"trump\" the Leder patent because he had not filed for patents, and was not willing (able?) to bear the costs of a legal suit to establish priority. Not surprisingly, he (and Palmiter) were among the first in the mouse community to file patents in the following years and others followed.

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\"They changed the meaning of patents to better fit with the institutional logic of academic science, but they also subtlety shifted the ways they exchanged information and regarded their other normative behaviors such as publishing. In order to accomplish their daily work scientists in the mouse club came to master a more complex calculus of the appropriate currencies, exchange rates and partners that included patenting.\" (p. 40)

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\"They did so in such a way as to maintain the boundaries and logic of their institution. This does not mean there is no institutional change or accommodation, but rather that individuals, through collective and strategic action, are a powerful force in shaping change.\" (P. 41)

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another issue related to institutional theory is the mutliple fields. as summerized by Schneiberg (2007), this refers to an endogenous change of insitutions. Because social actors are embedded in multiple fields,  they can borrow the logics from one field and apply and justify the rationales to other fields. Similarly, Powell et al. (1996) examine the creation of biotech in U.S.. Although not framed this way, Fligstein's (2008) working paper mentions the similar concern that strategic social space is unanticipatedly created the complex social life (i.e., social actors are enmeshed in a web of social institutions, which are themsevles incongruous).

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in addition to institutionalism, Murray also relies on Zelizer's argument on the social meaning of money. For her, the introduction of patent into adamedia is to invent new currency for exchange among scientists. This new currency prompts provocative meaning of what counts scientist discoveries and how that influences the hierarchical dynamics of scientist community.

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This paper is also related to status argument. Harvard University and the inventor Leder himself did not get sanction for their disclosure of oncomouse to DuPont. The scientist community buys the argument of Leder himself and believed that patenting was an obligation under the recent Bayh-Dore act. Any fault lay with Harvard for \"naive lisensing\" or with DuPont for \"aggressive practices that clearly misunderstood the nature of academia\".

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This book chapter summerizes the defination of institution. According to Scott (2008), definition of institution is as follows:

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Institutions are comprised of regulative, normative and cultural-cognitive elements that, together with associated activities and resources, provide stability and meaning to social life.

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like other similar synthesis, Scott follows Giddens (1984:24) that institutions by definition are the more enduring features of social life... giving 'solidity' [to social sytems] across time and space.\"

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p. 49

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Although rules, norms, and cultural-cognitive beliefs--symbolic systems--are central ingredients of institutions, the concept must also encompass associated behaviors and material resources. ---> duality

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p. 50

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Although institutions function to provide stability and order, they undergo change, both incremental and revolutionary. Thus, our subject must not only include institutions as a \"property\" or state of an existing social order, but also institutions as \"process,\"  including the processes of institutionalization and deinstitutionalization (see Tolbert and Zucker 1996).

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Table 3.1 on page 51 is a nice summary of his argument. One missing part of this table is that Scott (p. 61) contends that the cultural-cognitive mode is the \"deepest\" level because it rests on preconscious, taken-for-granted understandings. Also, the combinations of these three pillars capture institutional dynamics. When three are aligned, institutions are more enduring.

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In addition, relevant piece is Scott's review of Economists and economic historians such as Douglas North attributes his argument along the line of regulative pillar. Normative pillar is by and large backed up by sociologists, who are sort of falling into the category of old version of institutionalism. Cultural-cognitive pillar is then embraced by neoinstitutionalists in sociology. Particuarly, Scott mentions Swidler (1986), suggesting that by cultural-cognitive pillar, he does not mean institutions endure. Instead, cultural differences empower social actors to pursue institutional changes.

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resource dependency (p. 59)

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In a resource-dependent or social-exchange approach to organizations, legitimacy is typically treated as simply another kind of resource that organizations extract from their institutional environment (e.g., Dowling and Pfeffer 1975; Suchman 1995a). However, from an isntitutional perspective, legitimacy is not a commodity to be possessed or exchanged, but rather a condition relfecting perceived consonance with relevant rules and laws, normative support, or alignment with cultural-cognitive frameworks. Moreover, unlike material resources or technical information, legitimacy is not an input to be combined or transformed to produce some nw and different output, but a symbolic value to be displayed in a manner such that it is visible to outsiders (see Scott 2003b: 213-214).

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This chapter is not directly related to the summary piece by Schneiberg and Bartley (2008) on regulation, although both arguments tackles the issues of informal practices subverting formal rules and regulations.

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In silbey's study, she takes the failure of public regulation of business for the common good as given and attributes this unsuccess to the responsiveness of regulatory agencies to their public constituencies. Moreover, this apparent failure could not be easily fixed by reorganizing the agency, because the root cause lies in the regulation itself, a result of negotiations and struggles among different interest groups. Taking the example of Masschusetts consumer protect act, Silbey unpacks how consumer and business communties underpin the dyanmics of this regulation, from its inception to implementation.

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The logic of this act is explained as follows: faced with the demands of vocal consumer groups and the fears of powerful business interests, the policy of case-by-case mediation eliminated the politically hazardous problem of choosing sides. The personnel of the CPD refused to describe themselves as consumer advocates. (p. 155). This rationale seems work out despite of the lack of coordination and leadership taken by the agencies. It seems that the existence of such an agency alleviates the grievances of consumers and moderates the tension between the two sides. In this regard, this consumer protect act more or less resembles a symbolic interaction rather than the strict sense of resolving legal disputes. And consequently, the motive of generalizing consumer proction regulations seems not imperative, and the regulation becomes contingent on each specific case. Although there is no systematic data, it sounds that the poweful business community benefits from this case-by-case regulation. In terms of the regulatory agency, Silbey makes such an analogy: the consumer protection agency, in this sense, acts not as a regulatory agency establishing rules nd regulations for business practice, but more like a police officer giving out parking tickets to those parties who get caught violating the law [see Packer, 1969] . (p. 163)

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This study is similar to Barley's study (1987) in terms of research design and the micro-level investigation of institutional change. Theoretically, Kellogg uses the term \"relationtional space\" to refer to the latent resources hidden in hospitcals that could be mobilized whenever needed. In this sense, her argument resembles the social movement literature on the effects of social networks on recruitment. Moreoever,  when it turns to specify the root cause of divergence among the two hospitals, Kellogg identifies architectural features (i.e., conference room and cafeteria) as a fundamental issue, which faciliates or inhibits social interaction across different rankings. This interaction, then is an important factor in soliciting support for institutional change. What remains interesting is how Kellogg maps this study onto a prolonged period, examing the aftermaths of this change. For example, does turnover rate differ? Was one hopitcal become more attractive in comparison with the other?

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the only connection i can figure out is to Schneiberg and Bartley (2008) regarding the cross-national regulation. By and large, this focal paper is a functional story, explaining how EU becomes into existence.

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It continues Fligstein's market-as-politics and culture argument. The process of market buiding is the very trajectory of rule making. \"In our view, the central question is not whether insti- tutions and effective governance structures are necessary for markets, but what kinds of rules and structures promote market activity and what kinds stifle it (Guillen 2001; Fligstein 2001). The findings of this article strongly support institutionalist views and undermine stances associated with neoclassical economic theory.\" (p. 1212)

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\"The underlying logic of our model can be stated simply: as problems and new circumstances arise, firms and other market actors will press governmental organizations, including legislators and courts, for rules to govern markets. To the extent that these organizations respond to the demands, new opportunities to expand markets will emerge. If market actors adapt their activities to exploit these new opportunities, then the feedback loop will be completed, and the cycle will begin anew. One mechanism through which the \"market-as-field\" and the \"political domain- as-field\" is constituted dynamically, over time, is through the interplay between these and other feedback loops. In the rest of the article, we give empirical support for these claims by developing and testing a theory of European integration\" (p. 1213)

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At the concluding part, they acknowldges the \"embeddedness\" of market actors. they urge a synthetic study of the linkages between political, legal, and economic processes and the emergence of this synergy.  \"We need to account for how networks emerge in the first place, and we need to understand them more dynamically, as they evolve within the macrosocial environments in which they operate. Put bluntly, such networks do not spontaneously arise, nor are they self-sustaining. Instead, relationships between producers, con- sumers, owners, and competitors are, among other things, embedded in relations with government actors, with legislators, administrators, and courts, as these relations are structured by institutions. On this point, we agree with many scholars working in political economy and institutional theory (Weiss 1998; Vogel 1996; Evans 1995; Fligstein 2001).\" (p. 1238)

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Clearly, this is a summary piece of economic sociology, which includes four important concepts--institution, network, power and cognition. Dobbin calls for a sythetic study of these four aspects. Several pieces of required readings are included in this summary. I think it would be helpful to refresh this paper at some point, particularly how each subfields of economic sociology is linked to some classic piece.

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The setup for this paper is an apparently interesting paradox: the increased dimension and latitude of globalization, is presumed to promote competition logics in almost all domains of social, economic and cultural life. Yet, quite on the contrary, they observe the flourish of reguations. This observation has something to do with the hypothetically unregulated \"race to the bottom\". It turns out this hypothesis is not prevalent in real life, which the authors credit to social movements and vested interests. As they state succintly,   \"Moreover, trading up may be supported by political coalitions between “Baptists” (environmental and consumer advocates) and “bootleggers” (firms that expect to profit from stricter standards) that push to upgrade and export regulation. Just as moral crusaders and black market entrepreneurs converged in support of alcohol prohibition in early twentieth-century America, coalitions of humanitarians and
profit-seekers or “the green and the greedy” (Maxwell & Briscoe 1997, p. 285) have ratcheted up national regulations for hazardous chemicals and food safety (Vogel 1995).\" (P. 38)

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\n

Along this line of argument, the regulation is less exerted by coercive pressure, and are under strict monitor of socialcultural forces. \"Yet the more radical step here is to reconceive
globalization and interdependence as sociocultural processes of diffusion, emulation, and network formation. Drawing on world society arguments, scholars root the twentyfirst-century rise of regulatory capitalism in horizontal processes of international diffusion and policy transfer, which they distinguish from bottom-up explanations based on domestic conditions and top-down accounts based on Europeanization or conditionality requirements of international organizations ( Jordana & Levi-Faur 2004, 2005; Lazer 2005; Levi-Faur 2005; Henisz et al. 2005).\" (P. 39)

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\n

several mechanisms of non-governmenal regulation the authors propose:

\n

regulation for competiton: could be related to Fligstein 1990, the political-cultural perspective of market

\n

regulation by information: similar to Bartley's reseach on anti-sweat t-shirt movement, it is related to disclosure, ranking/rating systems, and certification or labeling intiatives. The caveat of this series of activities is the source of information. To acquire relevant information from numerous private firms, the auditors/rating agency somehow has to cooperate with them, which makes the rating results less objective. In other words, the targeted firms infuse their interest into the process.

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Another interesting point is related to institutional theory: the decoupling between formal forms and informal practice, which has been largely ignored by legal scholars. The authors pick up several empirical studies in this field to illustrate their point. One case is Carruthers and Halliday (2006) paper (p. 49).

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This paper is built to offer an alternative view of institutionalization process, namely, the deinstitutionalization of conglomerate firms. It also speaks to the impression of structural inertia. According to the authors, co-evolulation of structure and strategy is possible. This potential transformation is related to theoretical arguments elaborated by ecology and institutionalist scholars. Particularly, this paper articulates a non convential view of agents who are either high status or low status incumbent. \"The actors responsible for spreading this tactic were often not other organizations-peripheral or core-but simply groups of individuals who saw an opportunity for profit and, implicitly, held alternative views of appropriate corporate structure (Coffee 1988).\" (p. 549)

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Also, this paper reminds students of institutional change that as Scott (2008) specifies the material and symbolic components of institutions, institutional tranformation becomes real and established, when it encompasses both structural and rhetoric changes. \"Like most singular historical events, deconglomeration was overdetermined. Yet, we believe that the shifts in rhetoric that accompanied deconglomeration reflected an institutional shift that was not simply epiphe- nomenal (Hirsch 1986).\" (p. 550).

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Mary Douglas 1986 (p. 550-551)

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An institution is a convention that has become legitimized. Conventions arise when parties have a common interest in a rule or ar- rangement that coordinates their actions (e.g., having a speed limit). A convention is legiti- mized when it is able to withstand challenges based on instrumental grounds. The source of this legitimacy is the \"naturalizing analogy,\" a parallel cognitive structure that sustains the in- stitution by demonstrating its fit with the natu- ral order. When a convention has been institu- tionalized, it is no longer simply mutual con- venience that accounts for why things are done in a particular way, but the convention paral- lels other aspects of the way the world works and is therefore \"natural\" (Douglas 1986). Analogies provide a source of stability for conventions by \"scripting\" appropriate behav- ior, and they are a potent rhetorical resource for ordering social arrangements. ... Analogies have their limits, however, and not just any analogy is sufficient to legiti- mate a practice or structure. Without an au- thoritative analogy, an institution becomes vul- nerable, suggesting a basis for deinstitutional- ization and a limit to what institutions can be sustained.

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p. 565 legitimacy as measured by its function

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Our defini- tion of legitimacy implies the ability of an in- stitutionalized practice or structure to with- stand challenges based on purely instrumental grounds (Douglas 1986). But where the firm- as-portfolio model was sustained, it was power, not legitimacy, that supported it.

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P.555 Selznick 1957

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Perhaps the only remaining barrier to wide- spread abandonment of the firm-as-portfolio model was its status as an institution, which by definition provides a buffer against challenges that arise out of instrumental or pecuniary con- cerns alone (Douglas 1986). Institutionalized organizations are, in Selznick's phrase, \"in- fused with value\" not reducible to economic measures (Selznick 1957), which helps account for the vigorous efforts put forth by members of chronically underperforming organizations to prevent their (economically sensible) demise (Meyer and Zucker 1989).

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Academic response to this shift (p. 564)----related to literature on global management

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Because they do not have stable boundaries and are composed of shifting arrays of special- ized elements, they cannot be readily counted in the same manner as bounded actor-organi- zations. Their prevalence in business rhetoric, however, is clear.

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As with the firm-as-portfolio model in the 1970s, academics have provided rationales for the firm-as-network model. Sabel (1991) for example,....

\n

Two recurring themes in the writings on new organizational forms, both in the business press and in academic discourse, are (1) that organi- zational boundaries are increasingly blurred or irrelevant and (2) that the appropriate model of the organizational structures that prevail now is not the bounded body, but the (unbounded) network.

\n

 

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Motivated by a lack of analyses of early stage of a newly emergent industry, Aldrich and Fiol argues that the liability of a new firm is exaggerated by its entering into a new business. To this end, I think their argument are in concordance with literature on institutional entrepreneurship.

\n

The distinguishment they make between cognitive and sociopolitical legitimacy makes sense. In respect to cognitive legitimacy, this theoretical refinement is related to studies of category. A new business needs to articulate its uniqueness and relation to existing operations, which can make sense for consumers, clients, investors and other relevant actors. With regard to sociopoligical legitimacy, it is similar to Fligstein's market-as-politics and culture argument.

\n

Another noteworthy piece is that the authors go through institutional theory and ecology argument, attempting to make a synergy (p. 664).

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Links between the emergence of social problems and the welfare state are examined, with particular attention to the place of the \"troubled persons\" professions, mass media and educational institutions, the place of the language of conflict and consensus in social problems activities, contested and uncontested definitions of problem conditions, how meanings and problems are transformed, and how mobilization activities contribute to these transformations. The paper ends with a plea to move the study of social problems closer to the study of how social movements and institutions affect and are affected by the interpretations, the language, and the symbols that constitute seeing a situation as a social problem in historical and institutional context.

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We begin to develop a conceptualization that allows us to generate a deeper understanding of the processes that enable the production and reproduction of enterprise clusters under some combinations of circumstances but not others. The sections of the paper explore: (1) concepts of power and circuits of power including their spatialities: (2) the temporarily stabilized relationships which occur in clusters of economic activity. (3) the openness and permeability of clusters as a way of understanding conditions that foster cluster growth: (4) a tentative integration of concepts. From this reading of the concepts of clustering and power we draw the conclusion that clusters are, at any particular point in time, temporary and transient conjunctures of interfirm relationships. They depend on specific circumstances in 'time-space' and, because of their very transience and specificity, those conditions might be very difficult if not impossible to create through the blunt instruments of policy.", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2011-02-23T23:52:44Z", "dateModified": "2011-02-23T23:52:44Z" } }, { "key": "XIJWW8D5", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 1707, "name": "MIT-econsoc", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mit-econsoc", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/1707/items/XIJWW8D5", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mit-econsoc/items/XIJWW8D5", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 256206, "username": "mtampe", "name": "Maja Tampe", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/mtampe", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Bathelt and Taylor", "parsedDate": "2002-01-01", "numChildren": 2 }, "data": { "key": "XIJWW8D5", "version": 1, "itemType": "journalArticle", "title": "Clusters, Power and Place: Inequality and Local Growth in Time-Space", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Harald", "lastName": "Bathelt" }, { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Mike", "lastName": "Taylor" } ], "abstractNote": "", "publicationTitle": "Geografiska Annaler. 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ABSTRACT
Experimental economics represents a strong growth industry. In the past several decades the method
has expanded beyond intellectual curiosity, now meriting consideration alongside the other more traditional
empirical approaches used in economics. Accompanying this growth is an influx of new experimenters
who are in need of straightforward direction to make their designs more powerful. This study provides
several simple rules of thumb that researchers can apply to improve the efficiency of their experimental
designs. We buttress these points by including empirical examples from the literature.

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", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2011-02-22T00:51:43Z", "dateModified": "2011-02-22T02:05:27Z" } }, { "key": "KQTR955V", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 1707, "name": "MIT-econsoc", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mit-econsoc", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/1707/items/KQTR955V", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mit-econsoc/items/KQTR955V", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/1707/items/2GPB5BU4", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 256206, "username": "mtampe", "name": "Maja Tampe", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/mtampe", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "KQTR955V", "version": 1, "parentItem": "2GPB5BU4", "itemType": "attachment", "linkMode": "imported_file", "title": "1_List_OD.pdf", "accessDate": "", "url": "", "note": "", "contentType": "application/pdf", "charset": "", "filename": "1_List_OD.pdf", "md5": null, "mtime": null, "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2011-02-22T00:50:40Z", "dateModified": "2011-02-22T00:50:40Z" } }, { "key": "S4DTUZA8", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 1707, "name": "MIT-econsoc", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mit-econsoc", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/1707/items/S4DTUZA8", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mit-econsoc/items/S4DTUZA8", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/1707/items/MEQNMTAF", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 256206, "username": "mtampe", "name": "Maja Tampe", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/mtampe", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "S4DTUZA8", "version": 1, "parentItem": "MEQNMTAF", "itemType": "attachment", "linkMode": "imported_file", "title": "2_Olken_Corruption.pdf", "accessDate": "", "url": "", "note": "", "contentType": "application/pdf", "charset": "", "filename": "2_Olken_Corruption.pdf", "md5": null, "mtime": null, "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2011-02-22T00:50:13Z", "dateModified": "2011-02-22T00:50:13Z" } }, { "key": "ED3844PC", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 1707, "name": "MIT-econsoc", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mit-econsoc", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/1707/items/ED3844PC", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mit-econsoc/items/ED3844PC", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/1707/items/MEQNMTAF", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 256206, "username": "mtampe", "name": "Maja Tampe", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/mtampe", "type": "text/html" } } } }, "data": { "key": "ED3844PC", "version": 1, "parentItem": "MEQNMTAF", "itemType": "attachment", "linkMode": "linked_url", "title": "517935", "accessDate": "2011-02-22T00:50:07Z", "url": "http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/517935", "note": "", "contentType": "", "charset": "", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2011-02-22T00:50:07Z", "dateModified": "2011-02-22T00:50:07Z" } }, { "key": "E8BP8MV6", "version": 1, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 1707, "name": "MIT-econsoc", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mit-econsoc", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/1707/items/E8BP8MV6", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/mit-econsoc/items/E8BP8MV6", "type": "text/html" }, "up": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/1707/items/MEQNMTAF", "type": "application/json" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 256206, "username": "mtampe", "name": "Maja Tampe", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/mtampe", "type": "text/html" } } }, "numChildren": 0 }, "data": { "key": "E8BP8MV6", "version": 1, "parentItem": "MEQNMTAF", "itemType": "note", "note": "This paper presents a randomized field experiment on reducing corruption in over 600 Indonesian village road projects. I find that increasing government audits from 4 percent of projects to 100 percent reduced missing expenditures, as measured by discrepancies between official project costs and an independent engineers’ estimate of costs, by eight percentage points. By contrast, increasing grassroots participation in monitoring had little average impact, reducing missing expenditures only in situations with limited free‐rider problems and limited elite capture. Overall, the results suggest that traditional top‐down monitoring can play an important role in reducing corruption, even in a highly corrupt environment.", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2011-02-22T00:50:06Z", "dateModified": "2011-02-22T00:50:06Z" } } ]