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Oral History Outline

\n

Anna Kaplan

\n

 

\n

1. Panhandling (0:00:00, p.4)

\n

            - Law enforcement (0:03:00, p.5)

\n

            - Police brutality (0:03:00, p.5)

\n

2. Organizations

\n

            - NCH: National Coalition for the Homeless (0:00:00, p.4)

\n

            - Government cutting services for budgetary reasons and not reasoning out the consequences (0:27:00, p.12)

\n

            - The need for nation-wide federal policies on homeless services (0:36:02, p.13)

\n

3. Shelters

\n

            - Franklin School shelter, staying there in 2006 (0:05:56, p.6); (0:21:51, p.10); the fight to keep it open vs. develop it (0:47:36, p.17)

\n

            - CCNV shelter opening (0:08:46, p.7); history of the building (0:53:58, p.18)

\n

            - Central Union Mission having too many policies (0:15:04, p.8)

\n

            - DC Village Family Shelter closed and created STI: Systems Transformation Initiative, then STEAP: Short-Term Exit Assistance Program (0:51:24, p.17)

\n

4. Drugs/Alcohol

\n

            - In the metro (0:03:00, p.5)

\n

5. Activism

\n

- Civil rights/Civil Rights Era connection and being a public figure vs. staying out of the limelight (0:05:56, p.6)

\n

- Iraq War protest (0:05:56, p.6)

\n

- Using technology to increase advocacy through email, blogs, Facebook, Twitter (0:18:00, p.9)

\n

- Combating vagrancy and public protest laws (0:42:00, p.15)

\n

- Reagan is the scapegoat for homelessness (0:53:58, p.18)

\n

- Mitch Snyder’s activism (0:56:07, p.18)

\n

- Sheptock began his activism in 2006 à attitudes toward homelessness change over time since 1980s (0:59:20, p.19)

\n

- Dealing with other advocacy groups (1:04:35, p.21)

\n

6. Stereotypes

\n

            - Homeless having computers and cell phones (0:12:29, p.7)

\n

            - Homeless having friends and being activists (0:12:29, p.8)

\n

7. Employment

\n

            - Wages vs. living costs (0:24:54, p.10)

\n

8. Migration

\n

            - The homed ask why don’t the homeless just move elsewhere? (0:27:00, p.11)

\n

            - NYC, Atlanta, and Florida shipping their homeless out of the city, especially for big tourist seasons (0:30:29, p.12)

\n

            - Family moved from New Jersey to Florida (1:14:36, p.23)

\n

9. DC Homelessness

\n

            - How to define DC residency (0:33:14, p.13)

\n

            - DC legislation on homeless issues: “can’t arrest somebody for being in public while poor” (0:38:58, p.14)

\n

10. Family history and abuse, then adoption (1:10:58, p.22)

\n

 

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Oral History Outline

\n

Anna Kaplan

\n

 

\n

1. Migration

\n

            - Hitched from Florida to DC (p.2)

\n

            - Family moved from New Jersey to Florida in mid-1980s (20:41, p.9)

\n

2. Panhandling and police (6:42, p.4)

\n

3. Homelessnes

\n

- Capitalism is the root of homelessness in DC (6:42, p.4); (1:05:58, p.26)

\n

- According to National Coalition for the Homeless, 5 reasons: (6:42, p.4)

\n

                        > Lack of affordable housing

\n

                        > Lack of a living wage

\n

                        > Domestic violence

\n

                        > Medical bankruptcy

\n

                        > Mental illness

\n

            - “The homeless rut” and day labor (11:31, p.6)

\n

            - Number of homeless (36:33, p.15)

\n

            - Street living (46:44, p.19)

\n

            - The time it takes to be homeless à traveling from one service to the next takes hours (55:01, p.21)

\n

4. Health (6:42, p.4)

\n

            - Head injury from child abuse (14:37, p.7)

\n

            - Drugs (14:37, p.8)

\n

            - Healthcare (20:41, p.10)

\n

            - Mental health and hotlines closing at midnight (33:10, p. 13)

\n

5. Stereotypes

\n

- Drugs in fact are not a leading cause of homelessness (6:42, p.5)

\n

- “The only difference between a homeless person and a housed person is that a homeless person doesn’t have a home.” (1:05:58, p.26)

\n

6. Employment

\n

            - Employers don’t want to hire individuals who have been out of work more than three years (14:37, p.6)

\n

            - Credit checks (14:37, p.6)

\n

            - SSI checks (14:37, p.7)

\n

            - Farmers pray on homeless (14:37, p.8)

\n

7. Family

\n

            - Adoptive parents (14:37, p.7)

\n

            - Growing up girls cooked and boys did chores outside (1:00:44, p.23)

\n

            - Dating and marriage (1:00:44, p.24)

\n

8. Communities

\n

            - Homeless community is divisive (14:37, p.8)

\n

9. Education

\n

            - North vs. South (20:41, p.9)

\n

10. Shelters

\n

            - Availability, including Franklin School (36:33, p.15)

\n

            - Cleanliness (40:25, p.16)

\n

            - CCNV = Community for Creative Non-Violence (40:25, p.16); lockers and contracts (46:44, p.18)

\n

            - Gender divide (40:25, p.16)

\n

            - Violence (46:44, p.18)

\n

            - Staff being unprofessional (46:44, p.19)

\n

            - Churches provide better services and more respect than governmental/public institutions (52:08, p.20)

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CCNV period handouts and flyers

\n

 

\n

Box6_Folder6_TruthToPower.jpg

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materials on CCNV opening the National Visitors Center at Union Station as an overnight shelter

\n

 

\n

Box6_Folder10_UnionStation.jpg

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Letters in Support of Mitch Snyder

\n

Notes by Claire Davis

\n

Various letters addressed to the Washington Post in support of Mitch Snyder were found.  These letters were written in response to published attacks against Snyder in the press between 1990 and 1993.

\n

No images

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CCNV Financial Report Oct. 1988-Oct. 1989

\n

Notes by:  Claire Davis

\n

This is a financial report detailing the expenditures for the CCNV shelter from October 1, 1988 to October 1989.

\n

Two images:

\n

1989_Oct_1_ccnvfinancialreport_1.jpg

\n

1989_Oct_1_ccnvfinancialreport_2.jpg

\n

 

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Letter to WMATA protesting fence raising

\n

Notes by Claire Davis

\n

A letter was written by attorneys working with the CCNV group to pressure the WMATA after a fence was raised at a Metro station to keep out homeless residents.  

\n

Images:

\n

1987_Oct_26_lettertoWMATA.jpg

\n

 

\n

 

\n

 

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Desire To Keep Federal City College Shelter Open Past Winter

\n

Notes By Claire Davis

\n

This is a CCNV newsletter explaining the group's desire to keep the shelter operating beyond the winter and the expected time-frame.  They planned a march to Lafayette Park. 

\n

Images

\n

1984_Jan_desiretokeepfederalcitycollegeshelter_1.jpg
1984_Jan_desiretokeepfederalcitycollegeshelter_2.jpg

\n

 

\n

 

\n

 

\n

 

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Winter Emergency Shelters Closing

\n

Notes By Claire Davis

\n

This is a CCNV newsletter about all the winter emergency shelters closing for the season.  Snyder wondered where all the homeless would go. 

\n

Image

\n

1984_March_10_wintersheltersclosing.jpg

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Letter Detailing Original Agreement to Allow CCNV to Use Federal City College Building

\n

Notes by Claire Davis

\n

This is a CCNV newsletter written by Mitch Snyder and addressed to friends of CCNV.  The letter tells about the original agreement between the city and CCNV about the use of the Federal City College building located at 425 2nd Street NW as an emergency shelter.  It was expected that CCNV would occupy the shelter only for the winter months that year. 

\n

Images

\n

1984_Jan_OriginalAgreementCCNVshelter_1.jpg
1984_Jan_OriginalAgreementCCNVshelter_2.jpg
1984_Jan_OriginalAgreementCCNVshelter_3.jpg
1984_Jan_OriginalAgreementCCNVshelter_4.jpg
1984_Jan_OriginalAgreementCCNVshelter_5.jpg

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Looking for Replacement Location for CCNV

\n

Notes by Claire Davis

\n

This is a letter addressed to Mitch Snyder from the Department of Health and Human Service explaining that a new location needs to be found for CCNV residents.  This location would replace the shelter at 425 2nd Street NW.

\n

 

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CCNV Debt

\n

Notes By Claire Davis

\n

This is a newsletter sent to friends of CCNV explaining the dire financial situation of CCNV.  The organization was $40,000 in debt.  One month of electricity at the CCNV Shelter at 425 2nd St. NW cost $5,000. 

\n

Image

\n

1984_Dec_CCNVdebt.jpg

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Property at Nicholas Ave

\n

Notes by Claire Davis

\n

This is an agreement allowing CCNV to use a property at Nicholas Avenue as a short-term shelter.  Lists rent amount.

\n

Image

\n

1983_Jan_25_propertyNicholasAve.jpg

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Mitch Snyder Will and Testament

\n

Notes by Claire Davis

\n

This is Mitch Snyder's Last Will and Testament, handwritten and sent to Carol Fennelly on December 3, 1980.  Snyder had reason to believe that he might die due to prolonged fasting and he left instructions for his friends.

\n

Image:

\n

1980_Dec_3_snyderwillandtestament.jpg

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Police Harassment against CCNV members

\n

Notes by Claire Davis

\n

A CCNV newsletter details threats and harassment against CCNV members by the Washington DC police, including some violence. 

\n

Image:

\n

1980_Feb_1_policeharassmentofCCNV.jpg

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Destruction of Family Shelter Future Location

\n

Notes by Claire Davis

\n

A CCNV newsletter to friends describing how the building that the group planned to use for a family shelter was destroyed by a wrecking company without notice.  CCNV spent three years working to take over the abandoned building.  The newsletter also included statistics of homeless and evictions in DC.

\n

Images

\n

1978_Oct_2_Destructionoffamilyshelterfuturelocation_1.jpg
1978_Oct_2_Destructionoffamilyshelterfuturelocation_2.jpg

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School Shelter

\n

Notes by Claire Davis

\n

Letter written by Marrion Barry and addressed to Mitch Snyder.  Barry describes an old school building that could potentially be used as a shelter for the homeless. 

\n

Images

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1979_March_9_SchoolShelter_1.JPG

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1979_March_9_SchoolShelter_2.JPG

\n

1979_March_9_SchoolShelter_3.JPG

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Outline, Part II

\n

Claire E. Davis

\n

January 24, 2013

\n

 

\n

Outline Part 2: “Selling Shelters: Public Property Gentrification in Washington, D.C.”  By Kathryn Jeanne Wells (2008).

\n

 

\n

Chapter 3: Public Property Gentrification

\n

 

\n

Social Struggles and Accumulation

\n

•   Wells discusses the theoretical shortcomings of “Frontier” and “Revanchist” ideologies; neither argument explains the relationship between gentrification and homelessness (65).   

\n

•   Accumulation and social struggles have been portrayed as opposing forces, rather than supporting conditions for each other (65).

\n

•   Wells proposes that gentrification needs homelessness as a mechanism for capital gain (66).

\n

•   Wells defines gentrification as displacement and writes that it “depends [...] on the shifting of persons in order to shift capital to and from devalued spaces” (66). 

\n

•   Wells asserts that a crisis for gentrification would emerge if everyone were housed; this argument is supported by Marx --capital grows in one place at the expense of another (66). 

\n

•   In D.C., the public is dispossessed when the state accumulates capital from land (69).

\n

•   Displacement follows dispossession and this can occur en masse (69).

\n

•   Wells says that state production of surplus property links gentrification and homelessness (69). 

\n

 

\n

Transitions and Transformations

\n

•   Wells discusses periods and types of gentrification and also how gentrification is linked to social issues like homelessness (70).

\n

•   The gentrification occurring in D.C. is a new and different type.  Gentrification in the 1960s was sporadic and unplanned; it was widespread and systematic in the1980s; now there is a third period --public property gentrification (70-71). 

\n

 

\n

Public Property Gentrification

\n

•   Public property gentrification is when there is an increase of public capital in the market (72).

\n

•   Wells distinguishes state-sponsored gentrification and public property gentrification; in the first, the state encourages gentrification with incentives (tax breaks) but the second involves more aggressive behavior (74). 

\n

•   The state’s aggressive efforts may include historic preservation and/or property disposal (75). 

\n

•   Wells asserts that public property gentrification causes a change in ownership, a change in use, and a change in the class of people who occupy the space (76).   

\n

•   An important question is raised: for whom is public property sold and redeveloped? (77)

\n

 

\n

Conclusion: Surplus Value and Surplus Land Productions

\n

•   Public property gentrification is dependent on surplus value production and surplus land production; this dependance on surplus land in order to obtain surplus value elucidates the linkages between gentrification and homelessness (78).

\n

•   Public property gentrification can also be viewed as the state’s response to a crisis of gentrification or of capitalism (79).

\n

•   As the state grows the market, it reduces support for other forms of (social) reproduction (80).

\n

 

\n

Chapter 4: Historic Preservation of Value

\n

 

\n

•   One mechanism for the dispossession of public property is historic preservation, which makes public land more valuable (81).

\n

 

\n

Introduction

\n

•   Franklin school was built in 1869 and was part of D.C.’s first free school system; it is famous for being the school of presidents’ children and for being the site of Alexander Graham Bell’s first telephone call (82).

\n

•   Plans to tear down the school in the mid-1950s and 1960s were met with public opposition and Franklin school began to receive the first of several historic preservation distinctions that protected it from destruction (82). 

\n

•   In the 1970s, a new focus to sell the Franklin School property by banking on its historical status represents a shift (83).  Renovations further increased its value (83). 

\n

•   The Franklin School was slated for disposal again in the mid-1990s, when Congress took over D.C.’s school system and worked to cut costs (85). 

\n

•   An activist group took over the school and successfully petitioned for Franklin School to become a homeless shelter in 2002/2003 (86).

\n

•   Preservation groups objected to the use of the Franklin School, a historic site, as a shelter because the structure could have been damaged (86). 

\n

•   Wells discusses the “politics of preservation” and preservation’s “on-again off-again” relationship with development (86). 

\n

•   Wells argues that historic preservation is a selective mechanism that aids particular kinds of development. 

\n

 

\n

Defining Historic Preservation

\n

•   The movement for historic preservation meant to reclaim the city after decades of poverty, destruction, and white abandonment (89).

\n

•   Various pieces of legislation supporting historic preservation arose from the needs of policymakers, developers, and city planners to organize the city in a certain way (89). 

\n

•   Tax policies reinforced preservation and created incentives for real-estate investment (90). 

\n

•   Historical preservation is economically, socially, and culturally driven (90).

\n

•   Cultural consumption patterns have made historic buildings a class-defining luxury (90). 

\n

 

\n

Preservation, Property, and Poverty

\n

•   Wells discovered a correlation between public shelters up for disposition and public shelters that have received historical designations (91).

\n

•   A shelter with historic designation is 3.5 times more likely to be sold or listed for disposal (92).

\n

•   1 in 3 public shelters were school properties because integration left schools abandoned (92). 

\n

•   Wells asserts that historic preservation creates boundaries for investment --prescriptive cartography (93). 

\n

 

\n

Displacement and Gentrification

\n

•   Historic preservation reveals more about present culture than about the past; preservation is a social construction and a tool for socialization (95). 

\n

•   There is a debate about whether historic preservation policies and practices cause displacement, segregation, and gentrification (96). 

\n

•   Wells theorizes that preservation encourages development (via tax incentives), which causes displacement, which results in gentrification (97).

\n

 

\n

Selective and Strategic Mechanism: Past, Present, and Future

\n

•   Historic preservation is discriminatory --it memorializes parts of some histories and skips or distorts others (98).  It can be racially selective (99).

\n

•   Conservation efforts to protect natural spaces and preservation efforts to protect buildings place more value on spaces than on people (99). 

\n

•   Remembering the past takes precedent over current needs, especially over the needs of people (102). 

\n

 

\n

Conclusion: Revaluation Process

\n

•   Historic preservation also creates barriers for developers; protected spaces are less flexible and restrictions seem counterintuitive to capitalist interest (107).

\n

 

\n

Chapter Five: Public Property Disposal

\n

 

\n

Introduction

\n

•   There is a disjuncture between the city’s inability to find a replacement property for Franklin school (due to lack of options) and the city’s on-going efforts to sell half its properties (108).

\n

•   The disposal process provides legal means, physical spaces, and economic incentives for the gentrification of public property (109). 

\n

 

\n

Surplussing Public Property

\n

•   D.C.’s public property management system has problems, including oversight and undocumented inter-agency transfers (109).

\n

•   No one knows which agency is responsible for Franklin School (109).

\n

•   Other problems include inconvenient hearing schedules (lack of access for the public) and last minute emergency legislation that does not allow the public access (112).

\n

•   There is a lack of community involvement and consideration of the public’s needs (112). 

\n

•   The D.C. government also does not consider the needs of local organizations (nonprofits, etc.) by giving them priority to buy properties or reduced costs (112). 

\n

 

\n

Public Property Management: Inventories, Adults, and Master Facilities Plan

\n

•   D.C.’s mayor failed to create the mandated database of surplussed public properties (113).

\n

•   Audits of leases of private property for government use are unavailable to the public (115). 

\n

•   An advisory committee or master facilities plan, as described in the District Code, have not been established either (115) .

\n

•   Wells argues for clarification of laws and policies about the surplussing process; she questions how D.C. will provide social services, especially to homeless persons, when the government plans to decrease its inventory of public properties and shelters (117).

\n

 

\n

General Procedures and Emergency Options:

\n

•   Wells discusses the problems associated with public hearings and how the City Council can get around holding them by taking “emergency action” on disposal decisions (117). 

\n

 

\n

Local Economic Development

\n

•   D.C.’s decision to sell public property at a rapid pace defies the fact that its tax revenue is healthy (120).

\n

•   The D.C. government’s incentives for selling the properties include: an instant cash bonus, relief from property maintenance, and an increased tax base (121).

\n

•   The last incentive is contradictory because tax breaks are also used as incentives for private entities to buy public properties (121). 

\n

•   Wells argues that the D.C. government’s decision to sell public properties is a racialized process -- it disinvests in black public properties in order to push black people out and white people in to certain areas (123).  Wells says that this idea needs further study (123).

\n

 

\n

Conclusion: Proposed Resolution B17-O527

\n

•   Wells mentions some promises for change that are positive.  These changes include a moratorium on public property disposal and a bill to modify the disposal process, including formalized criteria for decisions regarding surplussed property for public re-use and positioning the sale of public properties as a last-resort measure (125-126).

\n

 

\n

Chapter Six: Shifting Geographies

\n

 

\n

•   Wells explains how the format of her thesis evolved during the research process.

\n

 

\n

Epilogue

\n

 

\n

•   It was announced that the Franklin School shelter would close in 2008, along with another public shelter; government proposals promise to find alternate locations for shelter residents and also to create supportive housing (132-133). 

\n

 

\n

 

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Outline Part I

\n

Selling Shelters Part I

\n

Beth Geglia

\n

Abstract: Contestation over the selling of the Franklin shelter exemplifies the privatization of public space that is characteristic of neoliberal gentrification.

\n

Chapter I.

\n\n
    \n
  1. Public property in DC is being quickly sold off.
    2. \n
  2. The historic Franklin building represents an ongoing discussion over how surplus public property should be used and redeveloped.
    3. \n
  3. DC is experiencing a new type of gentrification, revealing tensions between social struggle and capitalist accumulation.
    4. \n
\n\n
    \n
  1. 2007 held record accounts of homeless people in shelters.
    2. \n
  2. It is hard to estimate the total homeless population
    3. \n
  3. DC reporting to HUD delineates between those on the street and those with no home, but who have temporary shelter through friends or service providers.
    4. \n
  4. DC has a plan to eliminate homelessness by 2014 by transitioning to low income housing. However, DC will not build public housing, but will give vouchers to the homeless for private housing.
    5. \n
  5. This approach is being used to justify the closing of shelters.
    6. \n
  6. The 1980’s saw great successes for the homeless rights movement, which were later deteriorated.
    7. \n
  7. Policies shifted toward blaming the homeless instead of the housing system and the government enacted vagrancy laws and restrictions on public space.
    8. \n
\n\n
    \n
  1. Legally defined as “real” property owned by the municipality, including that being leased.
    2. \n
  2. Author divided this into two categories: public lands owned by the state, and public lands held for the common good.
    3. \n
  3. Public property is a subset of public space.
    4. \n
  4. Property = the right to exclusion.
    5. \n
  5. Public property is critical to inclusion in public life.
    6. \n
\n\n
    \n
  1. Has always been public property.
    2. \n
  2. Outsourcing and public-private partnerships complicate the public-private dichotomy, especially with shelters.
    3. \n
  3. Homeless people’s right to live relies on the right to public property.
    4. \n
  4. “The District placed on the cutting board 16 out of 22 (or 74 percent of) public shelters in use between 1982 and 2007.”
    5. \n
  5. The proposed selling of Franklin was highly contested, and gave birth to two organizations, Save Franklin School, and the People’s Property Campaign.
    6. \n
  6. Space is scarce in DC. The government’s selling of it is indicative of economic development priorities.
    7. \n
  7. The geography of shelter closures goes hand in hand with the geography of urban development.
    8. \n
\n\n
    \n
  1. Sell and redevelopment are different. Redevelopment implies a change in use.
    2. \n
  2. Redevelopment does not necessitate a change in ownership.
    3. \n
  3. Redevelopment usually goes together with privatization.
    4. \n
  4. Privatization of public space has been long studied, but not the privatization of public property.
    5. \n
  5. Gentrification has been mostly defined by its consequences, such as displacement.
    6. \n
  6. There is a lack of research that links shelters to gentrification.
    7. \n
\n\n
    \n
  1. Franklin as a window into processes in DC of privatization of public property.
    2. \n
  2. Discusses objectives of each chapter.
    3. \n
\n

Chapter II. The Neoliberal City

\n\n
    \n
  1. DC intends to cut its portfolio of public properties in half in next four years.
    2. \n
  2. DC had already outsourced most of its shelters to Community Partnership for the Prevention of Homelessness through a public-private partnership.
    3. \n
  3. Government shields itself from responsibility for shelter conditions through outsourcing.
    4. \n
  4. NGO’s must figure out how to be both good contractor and good advocate.
    5. \n
  5. Government funding decreases NGO’s ability to protest policies. It is a cooptation strategy of the government.
    6. \n
\n\n
    \n
  1. Neoliberalism is becoming an overused and misunderstood term.
    2. \n
  2. It is a discourse about the market, a noninterventionist state, and individual rights.
    3. \n
  3. Relies on the belief that open, deregulated, competitive markets maximize human well-being.
    4. \n
  4. Neoliberalism liberates markets, not society.
    5. \n
  5. Notion of state failure is key to neoliberal ideology and justifies the outsourcing of government functions through contracts.
    6. \n
  6. Services are rolled back and economic development is prioritized. Finally, political power is rationalized.
    7. \n
  7. Neoliberal governments focus on freedom, not power. Power is hidden.
    8. \n
  8. Under neoliberalism, power takes the form of coercion, as compared to direct domination under classic liberalism.
    9. \n
  9. Power is diffused and distributed between actors to hide coercive nature and limit public access to the political sphere.
    10. \n
\n

10. Neoliberalism produces uneven economic geography and inequality.

\n\n
    \n
  1. Neoliberalism is rife with contradictions. Not usually compatible with social justice.
    2. \n
  2. Neoliberalism is best understood by looking at resistance to it, which “holds a mirror” to its policies.
    3. \n
  3. Resitance to neoliberalism contends with the re-scaling of governance to the city-regional level and the cooptation of non-profit and advocacy organizations.
    4. \n
  4. Advocacy organizations are not always part of the resistance, and sometimes aid neoliberal governance.
    5. \n
  5. The author questions programs like Streetsense for sanitizing the image of homelessness on the streets and making individuals appear less needy by providing a uniform.
    6. \n
  6. “Dispersion,” unlike “diffusion,” refers to the layout of resistance efforts and individuals as a result of diffused political power and institutions.
    7. \n
  7. Dispersion prevents ideological and practical unity amongst affected populations and individuals.
    8. \n
\n\n
    \n
  1. Property is a core cultural organizing force.
    2. \n
  2. “The right to property” is the fundamental issue behind “the right to the city.”
    3. \n
  3. Land use planning ensures social order and the appearance of order hides power.
    4. \n
  4. Public property is a starting point to examine relationships between property, development, and neoliberalism.
    5. \n
\n\n
    \n
  1. 1.    The redevelopment of Franklin school grows out of the neoliberal context and the distance between accumulation and social struggle because issues of accumulation are deemed separate from questions of social welfare.
    2. \n
  2. 2.    Franklin is an archetype of neoliberal gentrification of public property.
    3. \n
\n

 

\n

 

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Chapters 1&2

\n

Marney Coleman

\n

“From Political Protest to Bureaucratic Service: The Transformation of Homeless Advocacy in the Nation’s Capital and the Eclipse of Political Discourse”

\n

By Christine Marie Elwell

\n

 

\n

Chapter 1, Introduction

\n
    \n
  1. ethnohistorical account (1)\n
      \n
    1. history of activism 1970-2006
      2. \n
    \n
    2. \n
  2. dominant questions: (1-2)\n
      \n
    1. “What does advocacy mean?”
      2. \n
    2. how have political and economic structures shaped the involvement and attitudes towards homelessness over time?
      3. \n
    3. Implications of these changes towards those experiencing homelessness?
      4. \n
    \n
    3. \n
  3. Disempowerment and disenfranchisement = key struggles (2)
    4. \n
  4. Key themes = fragmentation and depoliticization (2)
    5. \n
  5. Height of movement towards social change = 1980s (5-8)\n
      \n
    1. Tactics such as non-violent protest, street theater, civil disobedience to pressure government
      2. \n
    2. Why did it decline? (8-10)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Neoliberal economics\n
          \n
        1. Minimal government funding for social services
          2. \n
        2. Privatizes and decentralizes social services
          3. \n
        3. Institutionalization of inequality
          4. \n
        4. Activists instead focus on smaller, “winnable” tactics
          5. \n
        5.                                               ii.     Homelessness and poverty labeled as “pathologies”\n
            \n
          1. Individualized
            2. \n
          2.                                             iii.     Backlash among experts for speaking out
            3. \n
          3.                                             iv.     Institutionalization of “aid”\n
              \n
            1. Emergency aid vs. structural roots
              2. \n
            \n
            4. \n
          4.                                               v.     Government funneling money into quasi-government groups\n
              \n
            1. Avoiding responsibility in addressing the issues
              2. \n
            2. More difficult to hold contracted groups accountable
              3. \n
            3. Funding battles
              4. \n
            \n
            5. \n
          \n
          6. \n
        \n
        2. \n
      \n
      3. \n
    \n
    6. \n
  6. “Advocacy has lost its political edge” (11-12)\n
      \n
    1. broad based activism à strategic or programmatic advocacy
      2. \n
    2. volunteers à direct service
      3. \n
    3. power and authority is decentralized
      4. \n
    4. now sole emphasis is on protecting pre-existing programs
      5. \n
    5. “Today the movement is more professionalized” (12)
      6. \n
    \n
    7. \n
  7. “managing” the homeless problem instead of eliminating it or preventing it (12-13)
    8. \n
  8. Fragmentation of non profit sector (13)\n
      \n
    1. Difficulty to build coalitions
      2. \n
    2. Elwell states that only a “strong social justice network” can achieve major structural change (13)
      3. \n
    \n
    9. \n
  9. Literature review (13-19)\n
      \n
    1. Shortage of literature on program volunteers (14)
      2. \n
    2. Lack of literature focusing on Washington DC (15)
      3. \n
    3. Context of history of poverty is lacking in existing literature (16)
      4. \n
    4. Now researchers in this field have an obligation to promote activism and determine political implications of work (19)
      5. \n
    \n
    10. \n
  10. Local and Historical Context, DC\n
      \n
    1. Segregation and migration of black families to SE quadrant (19-20)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Civil War era – DC as a haven (20)
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     Jim Crow era\n
          \n
        1. “urban renewal” in SW quadrant and downtown\n
            \n
          1. neighborhoods of historic black residents targeted as “blight” and redevelopment (20)
            2. \n
          2. Anacostia River as a literal barrier
            3. \n
          3.                                             iii.     Poverty isolated and concentrated as a result of racist policies (20)
            4. \n
          4.                                             iv.     White resident exodus to suburbs around 1950s-60s (21)
            5. \n
          \n
          2. \n
        \n
        3. \n
      \n
      2. \n
    2. Lack of political representation and participation (23)
      3. \n
    3. Widest income inequality in U.S. (24)
      4. \n
    4. Lack of employment for young African American men (26)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Often forced to work for lower wages than union labor à service economy
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     Outsourcing of government jobs to suburban areas (26)
        3. \n
      \n
      5. \n
    5. Prevalence of incarceration among young African American men (27)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     After incarceration, many find themselves in homeless shelter
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     Arrests of homeless for petty crime à incarceration as a solution
        3. \n
      \n
      6. \n
    6. Revanchist public policies (28)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Blame the poor for their situation
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     Sleep-proof benches, closing restrooms
        3. \n
      \n
      7. \n
    \n
    11. \n
\n

 

\n

Chapter 2, Grassroots Mobilization: Charity and Justice During the 1970s

\n
    \n
  1. Marion Barry Jr. as new political leader of DC (38)\n
      \n
    1. Elected as city’s second mayor in 1978
      2. \n
    \n
    2. \n
  2. DC as a hotbed of political activity, but also polarization (38-39)\n
      \n
    1. Racial inequality (39)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Unofficial segregation of neighborhoods in the city
        2. \n
      \n
      2. \n
    2. Organized political resistance by African American residents
      3. \n
    \n
    3. \n
  3. By late 70s homelessness became visible in the city (39)\n
      \n
    1. Contributing factors\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Discrimination, gentrification (40)
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     Elimintation of affordable housing (40)
        3. \n
      3.                                             iii.     Union busting (40)
        4. \n
      4.                                             iv.     Falling wages à unemployment, underemployment (40)
        5. \n
      5.                                               v.     Declining public benefits (40)
        6. \n
      \n
      2. \n
    2. Move to seasonal, part-time, and temporary work (40-41)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Economy increasingly service-based (42)
        2. \n
      \n
      3. \n
    \n
    4. \n
  4. End of Vietnam War à activists turned their attention to domestic issues (42)\n
      \n
    1. Formation of broad coalitions\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Movements informed one another, worked together (43)
        2. \n
      \n
      2. \n
    2. Challenged current relief measures and establishments (42)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Systemic issues as the root
        2. \n
      \n
      3. \n
    \n
    5. \n
  5. Radical Clergy and Neighborhood Ministries to the Poor (44)\n
      \n
    1. Religious groups emerge as main organizations in 70s\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Capitol Hill Group Ministries, Community Family Life Services, and Loaves and Fishes as key groups (45)
        2. \n
      \n
      2. \n
    2. No long history of social services at local government level (45)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     No city run shelters as of early 70s
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     No city agency responsible for homeless services
        3. \n
      \n
      3. \n
    3. Long history of activism from Catholics in DC area (45)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     70s: St. Aloysius Church with leadership of Fr. Horace McKenna (46)\n
          \n
        1. began food distribution program w/ help from Georgetown sociology professor Veronica Maz\n
            \n
          1. So Others Might Eat (formalized title)
            2. \n
          2. Established housing project along North Capitol St. called Sursum Corda (47)
            3. \n
          \n
          2. \n
        \n
        2. \n
      \n
      4. \n
    \n
    6. \n
  6. The Community for Creative Nonviolence Birth’s a Movement (48)\n
      \n
    1. CCNV founded in 1970 by Father Ed Guinan\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Wanted to establish a community of simple lifestyle and service to others (49)
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     Community house built on George Washington U campus
        3. \n
      3.                                             iii.     Became a hub of activist meetings and networks
        4. \n
      \n
      2. \n
    2. Network of radical Catholic clergy involved throughout 1970s (50)
      3. \n
    3. Eventually à 6 core members of CCNV (51)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Included Father Guinan Mitch Snyder
        2. \n
      \n
      4. \n
    4. Creation of Zaccheaus Soup Kitchen in 1972 by CCNV and other establishments and programs working towards reducing poverty in DC (52)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Culture of collaboration – services, human resources, networks, etc.
        2. \n
      \n
      5. \n
    5. CCNV situated in large context of social justice movement in the country (55)
      6. \n
    6. CCNV philosophy believed that relationship building was key to sustaining social change (56)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Community living
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     Decentralized authority (57)\n
          \n
        1. Tensions and disagreements between leaders
          2. \n
        \n
        3. \n
      \n
      7. \n
    \n
    7. \n
  7. CCNV and Euclid House Political Mobilization\n
      \n
    1. As lease on organizing house (Euclid House) ended, Snyder and others realized lack of affordable housing in city + high number of abandoned properties (58)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Prompted shift in focus à homelessness
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     Did research and campaigns focusing around the lack of affordable housing in the city and increasing number of evictions (59)
        3. \n
      \n
      2. \n
    2. Campaign to occupy abandoned property to use as a shelter (59)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     City eventually demolished it
        2. \n
      \n
      3. \n
    3. Became aware of need for shelter for homeless residents of city (60)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Contacted religious institutions around city to open doors as shelter
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     Guinan placed emphasis on engagement, community relationships, living simply, and not working for salary\n
          \n
        1. Establish credibility among homeless residents
          2. \n
        \n
        3. \n
      \n
      4. \n
    4. Intense campaign to redirect renovation funds from Holy Trinity to homeless cause (61)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Illustrative of new radical tactics of CCNV and Snyder\n
          \n
        1. Fasting, disrupting services, etc.
          2. \n
        2.                                               ii.     First major publicity campaign (62)\n
            \n
          1. Gaining credibility
            2. \n
          2.                                             iii.     Increasing tensions within CCNV
            3. \n
          \n
          3. \n
        \n
        2. \n
      \n
      5. \n
    \n
    8. \n
  8. Emergency Shelter and the Politics of Prophetic Protest (62)\n
      \n
    1. Overcrowding of the few small, private shelters and city-run Blair shelter (63
      2. \n
    2. 1978, CCNV occupies National Visitor’s Center for media campaign\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     city and activists came to an agreement to relax restrictions on shelters for 30 days (64)
        2. \n
      \n
      3. \n
    3. overflow shelters opened and screening procedures eliminated (65)
      4. \n
    4. CCNV responsible for staffing Pierce shelter (65)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Refused government money and partnerships (66)
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     Resisted bureaucratization
        3. \n
      \n
      5. \n
    5. Plans to decentralize city shelters into smaller private operations never materialized (67)
      6. \n
    6. City budget crisis à announced plans to close several shelters without suitable replacement (67)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     CCNV took city to court
        2. \n
      \n
      7. \n
    \n
    9. \n
  9. CCNV Regroups (68)\n
      \n
    1. By end of 1970s tensions within CCNV had reached new heights (68)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Questioning of Father Ed Guinan’s leadership/control
        2. \n
      \n
      2. \n
    2. Tensions between Luther Place Memorial Church and CCNV (69)\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     Church wanted to permit clinics, but wanted Guinan and CCNV to leave
        2. \n
      2.                                               ii.     Started St. James hospitality House
        3. \n
      \n
      3. \n
    3. Guinan eventually left the Church after repeatedly being asked to leave (71)
      4. \n
    \n
    10. \n
  10. Conclusions\n
      \n
    1. “charity without justice is oppression,” Harold Moss (71)
      2. \n
    2. as homeless movement grew, CCNV grew more internally fractured\n
        \n
      1.                                                i.     set stage for new movement of activism in DC (72)
        2. \n
      \n
      3. \n
    3. created model of organizing based primarily on volunteers
      4. \n
    4. mainly crisis-driven services that developed in late 1970s (74)
      5. \n
    \n
    11. \n
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CCNV Efforts to Build Family Shelter

\n

Notes By Claire Davis

\n

This is a newsletter to CCNV friends about the group's efforts to build a shelter for homeless families.  The group was interested in a property at 1361 Fairmont St, a city-owned abandoned building. 

\n

Images

\n

1978_Oct_2_EffortsFamilyShelter_1.JPG
1978_Oct_2_EffortsFamilyShelter_2.JPG
1978_Oct_2_EffortsFamilyShelter_3.JPG
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", "tags": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2013-04-20T23:22:41Z", "dateModified": "2018-10-24T03:15:43Z" } }, { "key": "845HVRP7", "version": 3198, "library": { "type": "group", "id": 141368, "name": "Downtown DC", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/downtown_dc", "type": "text/html" } } }, "links": { "self": { "href": "https://api.zotero.org/groups/141368/items/845HVRP7", "type": "application/json" }, "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/groups/downtown_dc/items/845HVRP7", "type": "text/html" } }, "meta": { "createdByUser": { "id": 1105830, "username": "kerr", "name": "Dan Kerr", "links": { "alternate": { "href": "https://www.zotero.org/kerr", "type": "text/html" } } }, "creatorSummary": "Prince", "parsedDate": "2014-01-28", "numChildren": 1 }, "data": { "key": "845HVRP7", "version": 3198, "itemType": "book", "title": "African Americans and Gentrification in Washington, D.C.: Race, Class and Social Justice in the Nation’s Capital", "creators": [ { "creatorType": "author", "firstName": "Sabiyha", "lastName": "Prince" } ], "abstractNote": "Using qualitative data, including extensive interview material and ethnographic research, to explore the experiences and ideas of African Americans as they confront and construct gentrification, this book contextualizes Black Washingtonians' perspectives on belonging and attachment during a marked period of urban restructuring and demographic change in the nation's capital. African Americans and Gentrification in Washington, D.C. sheds light on social hierarchies and standpoints unfolding over time to present a portrait of a heterogeneous African American population, wherein members define their identity and culture as informed by their knowledge of the impact of injustice on the urban landscape. Combining these findings with analyses from institutional, statistical, and scholarly reports on wealth inequality, shortages in affordable housing, rates of unemployment, and other key topics, the author contends that gentrification seizes upon and fosters uneven development, vulnerability and alienation and also contributes to classed and racialized tensions in affected communities. This book will appeal to social scientists working in the areas of urban studies and urban ethnography, as well as activists, policymakers and readers of contemporary works in the field of African American studies. African Americans and Gentrification in Washington, D.C. will also invigorate discussions of neoliberalism, critical whiteness studies and race relations in the 21st Century and contribute to considerations of the ways in which histories, structural inequalities, and viewpoints are connected in U.S. cities today.", "series": "", "seriesNumber": "", "volume": "", "numberOfVolumes": "", "edition": "New edition edition", "date": "January 28, 2014", "publisher": "Ashgate Pub Co", "place": "Farnham, Surrey", "originalDate": "", "originalPublisher": "", "originalPlace": "", "format": "", "numPages": "182", "ISBN": "9781409446125", "DOI": "", "citationKey": "", "url": "", "accessDate": "", "ISSN": "", "archive": "", "archiveLocation": "", "shortTitle": "African Americans and Gentrification in Washington, D.C.", "language": "English", "libraryCatalog": "Amazon.com", "callNumber": "", "rights": "", "extra": "", "tags": [], "collections": [], "relations": {}, "dateAdded": "2014-04-23T14:46:05Z", "dateModified": "2014-04-23T14:46:05Z" } } ]