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Summarize: This article attempts to understand why WID practices persist in development policy and planning, despite its well-known limitations and also despite GAD rhetoric in development policy and planning. \"[E]xamples from Dar es Salaam illustrate that, under certain conditions, women who are exposed to WID-style interventions intended only to address their immediate practical needs can, with increased economic autonomy and the support of being in a women's group, start to change gender relations within their families and communities\"(Brown 2006:70).  The planners of BACAWA (Baby Care Women’s Association) took care to have true participatory processes in their credit loan NGO; low-income members paid fees and built a vocational and day care center together.  The center then generated income which was supplemented by money raised by middle-income women.  The center also hosted speakers chosen by BACAWA members – who began to become politicized. \"The key point here is that when women are no longer isolated, the very experience of working together and discussing shared problems can transform group dynamics and member concerns from immediate practical ones to more transformative strategic ones.  Women can achieve this transformation through their own initiation, as evidenced in Tanzania with women's upato [rotating savings] and informal location-based groups, which have grown in numbers as more women participate in the cash economy\"(Brown 2006:73-74).  “So in two important ways WID programs may persist because they are effective: First in addressing the concerns that poor women prioritize, their immediate economic interests; and second they may move beyond their initial goals and, through the support and shared experience of other women, allow participants to start to transform gendered norms and power relations in their homes and communities”(Brown 2006:80).

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Assess: Brings up critique of Moser that it is very difficult to separate practical and strategic interests/needs. Similar to Mandel 2006. If this case study was re-examined using the same scholarly theories as used by Turnhout, VanBommel, and Aarts (2010) there would probably be marked similarities.

\n

Reflect: This paper might be useful for those policy analysts and planners who want to brainstorm ideas of what ‘true participation’ might entail.

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Not Annotated.

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Summarize: This builds on GAD work on practical gender needs (assets) and strategic gender needs (access and control). As women's poverty decreases in Cameroon, their political participation and control has not increased. Women's subordinate status to men is more or less maintained in Cameroon despite development programs specifically focused on women. This paper summarizes many programs instead of focusing on one case study.

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Assess: This article reviews literature on the work of NGOs and other civil society organizations with women in various parts of Cameroon.  It provides good socio-economic history and explanation of geographic areas of Cameroon.  It uses the UNICEF empowerment framework (Longwe). Fongjong incorrectly attributes the UNICEF empowerment framework to Moser instead of acknowledging that it is Longwe's adaptation of Moser's framework (see March et al 1999).

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Reflect: This paper provides background material on the effectiveness of GAD programs in Cameroon.

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Summarize:  This paper reviews post-developmentalist, post-colonial and post-structuralist feminist literatures on gender and development.  It argues that policy and planning which addresses gender issues does not need to essentialize women as some univeral modern being, or, as some traditional underprivileged being. It further argues that such universalizations of 'woman' have been criticized as part of the imperial project of the Western world.  However, it finds equal issue with relativist agendas that disallow the empowerment of women in traditional cultures because, historically, women have not been empowered in those cultures.  Instead, it suggests that there is a location in between universalism and relativism; this location involves reflexivity of both policy analysts and planners, as well as their female constituents, stakeholders, and program participants.

\n

Assess:  This is a highly theoretical paper; unless one is at least slightly familiar with post-colonial, post-structural and/or post-developmentalism literature (Apffel-Marglin, Butler, Escobar, Hall, Ong, Spivak), I suggest that it should be skipped.

\n

Reflect: The conclusion suggests that policy analysts and planners should engage in education in two ways: (1) educating ourselves about gender-specific social relations in our society and (2) encouraging the self-education of our female constituents, stakeholders, indigenous peoples, program participants about gender-specific relations in their society.  In this way, the paper is similar to Longwe's framework (see March et al 1999) which incorporates conscientisation into Moser's gender-analysis framework.

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Accession Number: 1396698; Schech, Susanne; Source Info: Nov98, Vol. 29 Issue 3, p389; Subject Term: WOMEN in development; Subject Term: QUALITY of life; Subject Term: AUSTRALIA; Number of Pages: 16p; Document Type: Article; Full Text Word Count: 8766

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