Week 4 Response- Greg Palumbo
Shannon Lee Dawdy’s “Building the Devil’s Empire” introduces us to the French experiment known as New Orleans. Established in 1718, New Orleans was seen as a place in which to attempt economic, social, and political reforms that could be useful to expanding the control of Enlightened absolutism. However, New Orleans would quickly be seen as a failure, and the metropole would ultimately have little say in its development. Dawdy explains that New Orleans was destined to fail as expectations were ultimately too high for such a venture. Belief was that the opportunity to construct a new city from scratch would lead to a prosperous entity for the motherland. Instead, what seems to have emerged was a colony that favored local interests and “metis” over ancient regime ideals. A reputation of chaos and ‘disorder’ came to surround New Orleans and the whole Louisiana colony was largely ignored by the monarchy. Ultimately, Dawdy lists the role of the Enlightenment, the development of a creole oligarchy, and the influence of rogue agents as the main lenses in which to view New Orleans.
A great deal of energy was spent on planning the city’s layout, and the idealistic design was an attempt to incorporate elements of garrison, port, monumental, and garden cities that were constructed in France. The difficulty of establishing an urban environment on the edge of a swamp soon became clear to the city planners. Many people began to feel as if the land was simply inhabitable and the hardships faced in agricultural production, due to its natural setting, was part of the ‘disorderly’ reputation. The absence of monuments to the King, deviation from Vauban ideals, and lack of city walls allowed New Orleans no chance of success in the minds of many. Dawdy claims that early signs of rogue activity can be seen through decisions made to break from the European mold of city planning to fashion a functional port city where free trade was the real goal rather than an aesthetic homage to the Bourbon monarchy.
The discussion of rogue colonialism thus develops further in regards to the massive system of smuggling that came to identify New Orleans and the “Mississippi-Caribbean World”. The result of corrupt local government officials, collapsed Atlantic mercantilism, and lack of substantial agricultural productivity, smuggling was soon rampant. Not only the source of New Orleans‘ urban economy, smuggling also became the major political economy. High ranking officials were at the top of the most successful but illegal businesses. The most interesting point raised by Dawdy in regards to smuggling is the dual nature it maintained for those immersed in its practice. On one side, the romantic, is the push for free trade, and the “creole economy” that was created was seen as a revolution from below against imperial mercantilism. On the other hand, the tragedy arose when colonial officials began to regulate trade and smuggling in order to benefit themselves and a small percentage of the population. Thus, creating a society in which the power and wealth was in the hands of a small section of the community which became the creole oligarchy.
Dawdy separates New Orleans into three distinct periods, founder generations, first creole generation, and a second creole generation. This is used to discuss the evolving social structure of a society comprised of numerous groups. The diverse make up of New Orleans makes for a difficult understanding of social status. It is suggested that the census and map making enterprises that were given such great detail were an attempt to not record the social status of the population, but rather to create one. Attempts by the French government to limit mobility and control structure of social status had a reverse affect. The growth of urban slavery and the mixing of various groups provided for much more disorder than ever expected. Dadwy develops this difficult scenario by examining legal codes, court proceedings, and violence in New Orleans. As alluded to in the Spear reading, regulations were place on many things, including sex, in order to gain better control on the population. Laws governing sex were seen as a way to maintain control for the creole elite as well as stifling social mobility of other groups. Dawdy’s discussion of cases of slander is another interesting focus in terms of the constantly shifting social status found in New Orleans.
Dan Ludington - Week 4 Response
\nThe central argument in Dawdy’s Building the Devil’s Empire of New Orleans as a ‘Rogue Colony’ can be understood as developing in three phases. First is that the colony was a failed Enlightenment experiment on the ‘tabula rasa’ of the Mississippi. Second is that the Creole oligarchy that developed after the abandonment of the French government took its fate into their own hands in order to simply survive. The third part describes the influence of ‘rogue agents’ who operated outside of the mercantilist economic model. They influenced the culture and economy of the colony so much that it no longer appeared to associate itself with France but in name. New Orleans’ reputation as being a place for fast living and loose morals was already acquired by the mid-Eighteenth century and persists until the present day. Dawdy tries to portray the history of New Orleans as a picaresque novel, whereby the she describes “the adventures of a roguish hero [city] of low social degree living by [its] wits in a corrupt society.” (4) This model struggles and is lost during the argument of the book, but this literary comparison links together the entire history of the city: that the social, economic and cultural development of New Orleans was the result of the entire region being left to its own devices in order to survive.
These three stages of ‘rogue’ development are integral into understanding both Dawdy’s book and Spear’s article: the unique social and economic foundations helped strongly influence the way that the city developed. Specifically in the manner that the city was planned and ideally advertised during the John Law period, New Orleans was designed as the ‘perfect’ Enlightenment city based on a logical order and located strategically in the Caribbean trading routes. The maps that Dawdy includes were specifically produced for native French consumption: illustrating a neat, ordered grid located on the Mississippi in a well-protected location. In effect this deception was the first in a string of official misconceptions about the nature of the colony. What in turn happened due to the poor execution of lofty planning was a far more pragmatic construction based on the availability of both material and human resources.
Although the economic turning point for the early history of New Orleans may have been the abandonment by the government-backed Louisiana Company, the economic foundation upon which the city was (and would) develop was already established with the forced immigration of the forcants (who included the socially irrelevant including criminals and homeless). Coming short of blaming the rogue nature of New Orleans during the eighteenth century on the reputation of the people settling the city, she attributes the diverse and sometimes involuntarily present population for the development of New Orleans’ economy. Being left in a failed colony, many of these people turned to what they may have known best: self preservation. This took the form of what she describes as smuggling, which in her paradigm was trading outside of the rigid rules of French (or European) mercantilism.
This idea of the ‘rogue’ agents in New Orleans is what sums up Dawdy’s entire argument, and Spear’s article augments this idea of a unique racial and social class. The lopsided male demographic that resided in Louisiana during the formative years of the colony meant that they needed a suitable female population to maintain the population. Against the former policy of Frenchification, the authorities tried to segregate the colony by setting up the Code Noir which banned interracial and/or interclass marriages. This was designed to keep power and wealth within the official culture: but much like the economy already discussed, the colonists took measures in their own hands in order to serve their own interests, which involved the creation of a unique racial and social class in New Orleans.
New Orleans in the eighteenth century is what has been termed by Dawdy as a ‘rogue’ colony. I would rather see New Orleans as continuing the idea of reciprocity that was inherently instituted throughout French political history. The overbearing regulations set forth by the government and the subsequent abandonment implied that permission was given to the population to manage their own affairs. The final result was when the Spanish were transferred into power, the elite’s in New Orleans revolted. The final straw was that after decades of languishing outside of the French political sphere they were going to be again placed under the stifling Spanish mercantilist system. Was the rogue economy that New Orleans pioneered really an early form of capitalism, or just an independent entity trying to make ends meet?
Carrie Tallichet, Week 4
\nShannon Lee Dawdy’s Building the Devil’s Empire and Jennifer M. Spear’s “Colonial Intimacies: Legislating Sex in French Louisiana” reveal dimensions of early New Orleans as a colonial experiment. These dimensions point to France’s overall governance of its colonies.
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Dawdy details the influences the Enlightenment, city planning, political legislation, colonial economy, and law enforcement had on New Orleans’ transition into a rogue colony. In doing so, she argues the intermingling of European, African, and Native American cultures created a unique society which resisted subordination to the metropole (a rogue colony). She argues that studying New Orleans’ “picaresque” history “reveals the contradictory forces that drove colonialism and shaped lived realities on imperial frontiers” (4). An example of what Dawdy intends by “picaresque” is illustrated by the New Orleanians’ acceptance of smuggling as a licit form of commerce. Officially, France had made individuals’ trade with rival colonial powers illegal; however, the lines were blurred between “legal and illicit enterprises” (115). Louisiana had developed a society in which an illegal activity could still be considered licit.
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Of greater interest in relation to the Spear article is Dawdy’s description of legislation in colonial Louisiana. Dawdy describes a society made up of individuals from three continents and divided among seven different legal classifications (143). The cultural diversity present within New Orleans society influenced the creation and enforcement of laws. According to Dawdy, “French ministers built up knowledge of their colonies and adjusted their tactics with each new venture” (198). This means, the French learned from policy failures in places like Sainte Domingue and altered them to better maintain their hold on colonial stability.
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This point is particularly relevant to Spear’s argument that the colony’s economy greatly influences the legislation imposed by the metropole. Spear points to discrepancies in France’s colonial policy in asking why marriage and sexual relations between Europeans and indigenous (or African) peoples was condoned in New France but illegal in Louisiana. She accounts for this by arguing that assimilation by intermarriage served to develop colonies with economies based in trade (like New France) whereas it served a counterproductive purpose in plantation colonies (like Louisiana and Sainte Domingue).
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It seems natural for an imperialistic power to learn from its mistakes, as Dawdy suggests, but I find it interesting the extent of regional influence on imperial policy. I think this points to the bigger question of purpose. Spear argues the legislation regarding sexual relationships had different ultimate consequences New France and Louisiana and therefore accounts for the discrepancy. Surely this is indicative of a larger conversation France is in regarding the management of her colonies. Is France assigning different purposes to different colonies based on economy? Is an economic emphasis a deviation of the original goal in establishing the empire? I think it fitting that Dawdy refers to New Orleans as an experiment because France’s attempts to adapt and modify the lessons from past colonial successes and failures were unsuccessful. Perhaps in New Orleans, France’s purpose was ultimately utopian in nature.
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\nIn the article on commerce, Francois Veron de Forbonnais defines the term as a “reciprocal communication,” in which men (specifically men) communicate through the exchange of the products of their land and industry. Forbannais divides these into the categories of agriculture, manufacture, the liberal arts, fishery, navigation, colonies, and exchange as the categories of commerce, some more profitable than others but all precious, or scarce. This focus on scarcity is indicative of the eighteenth century developing field of economics, of which Forbonnais was a member.
\nThe developing field of economics is also a theme of Raynal’s History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies, through his discussion of a development of the French colonial model. As the title suggests, Raynal’s tract is concerned with French interests in both the east and the west, in order to postulate a standard colonial model. At the beginning of the colonial venture, Raynal exclaims the now familiar goal of the European colonial venture: to convert the Indigenous population into the European concept of a civilized human, expressing disappointment that Madagascar failed due to the “savage and unconquerable inhabitants” who “could not be reconciled either to the commodities, the worship, or the manners of Europe” (18). Later Raynal will compare the technology of the indigenous population to that of Europe, to further this point. These comments coincide with Raynal’s view that France should plant her colonies upon ground not yet sullied by other European powers, ostensibly because of the rights of other European powers, but perhaps to ensure France’s own share of scarce resources. This would be more in line with his later message that government interference in French trade interferes in the opportunity for enrichment through the extraction of goods and the overall well being of French interests.
\nBoth the Encyclopedia article for commerce and Raynal’s analysis of the colonial model highlight the emerging study of economics, through their examination of products, markets, and exchange.
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\nOur primary reading for this week, Abbé Reynal’s Voyages, Settlements, Wars, and Trade of the French in the East Indies, relates an account of France’s presence in the East. Beginning with Africa and Madagascar, Reynal moves East to recount France’s interactions with the peoples of India, Siam, Mogul, etc. as well as fellow Europeans, like the English and Dutch.
\nCommercial interest and commerce are prominent themes to Reynal’s work. This is seen in his discussion of the France’s relationship with Surat and Siam. Reynal describes Surat as a trade center by listing the commodities found there (linens, calicoes, shawls, and other cloths) and the imports received for these commodities and the estimated revenues generated from such trade (35-38). The emphasis is on material goods and profit, which indicates commercial revenue’s growing prominence in the imperial world. With regard to Siam, Reynal describes the French ensuring a trade relationship with this country in stating \"If the French could not carry their commodities to Siam, they could at least inspire the people with a taste for them, prepare the way for a great trade with this country, and avail themselves of that which actually offered, to open connections with all the east” (47). This remark reveals the French created a need for their own exports in new areas of influence. The Siamese did not already have a desire for French exports, but the French hoped to soon develop one. This would enable not only continued trade with Siam, but expand their commercial influence into other Eastern countries.
\nReynal’s work nicely parallels the Encyclopedia entry on Commerce. Structurally, they both begin their accounts with antiquity and the practice of commerce/interactions between different people groups. They both then proceed into the medieval period before arriving at their current age. This is interesting and may reflect a literary convention of the time, but perhaps also reflects a need to legitimize their contemporary practices. The article argues the purpose of commerce is “to make a profit” and that contemporary states have “sought to extend [their commercial interests] in proportion to its own strength and that of its neighbors.” This ties in nicely with Reynal’s work regarding France’s expansion of influence into the East but in relation to neighboring European powers. For example, Reynal writes that “the French believed, or feigned to believe, that a settlement might be made [in Surat] without encroaching upon the rights of the Dutch” who has previously established themselves in the area (39). Both writings reveal the complex networks trade with the East created: it is not merely about establishing a trade network with the native inhabitations of the land, but careful negotiations with competing European powers.
\nThese sources reveal the growing importance of commerce to imperialistic nations and the complex relationships their commercial pursuits sparked both between European nations and colonized countries.
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\nMegan Vaughan’s Creating the Creole Island and Sue Peabody’s “A Nation Born to Slavery: Missionaries and Racial Discourse in Seventeenth-Century French Antilles” examine the cultural implications of slavery in the French Empire.
\nVaughan’s book explores the emergence of a Creole society on the island of Mauritius while under French rule in the eighteenth-century. While she admits the term changes over time, Vaughan defines Creole in her study as “the product of multiple influences, multiple sources, which to differing degrees merge, take root, and 'naturalize' on this new soil” (2). According to Vaughan, the island’s isolation and lack of native inhabitants created a Creole society at its very nature. That is, the island knew only the influx of new peoples, plants, and animals, having none of its own.
\nTo fully grasp creolization on Mauritius, Vaughan uses records from criminal court cases to explore numerous aspects of Creole life, including ethnicity, motherhood and family, childbirth, love, reputation, language, and Métissage. Through her study, Vaughan makes several assertions as to the nature of Mauritius’ Creole society. She argues the society was fluid and slow to develop as a result of the high death rates and the need to import more slaves to replenish the labor force. The constant influx of new slaves from Africa resulted in the preservation of numerous languages on the island. Vaughan also asserts that slavery was a threat to the masters’ masculinity: the masters’ authority was undermined by their very dependence on their slaves (151, 155). In this sense, slaves became important to their masters not only as objects for labor but also as subjects (255).
\nWhereas Vaughan’s book explores the cultural implications of creolization for several aspects of life, Sue Peabody’s article looks at the changing racial attitudes in the seventeenth century French Antilles. Peabody argues that the emergence of racism is reflected in the changing discourse of missionaries serving in the empire. Peabody’s research links the emergence of slavery as a profitable institution and the emergence of racism with the softening of racial discourse present in missionaries’ writings. She argues that prior to the explosion of slavery in the French Caribbean, missionaries used harsh and hostile language with regard to the African slave, however, as slavery became more economically important, their language softened toward the Africans. According to Peabody, this marks a shift in missionary focus from the native Caribs to the slaves which reflects missionaries’ increasingly Creole audience (120).
\nBoth Vaughan’s book and Peabody’s article reflect the growing influence of creolization within the French Empire. The blending and intermingling of cultures changes both the colonies’ cultures and carries new implications and dilemmas for the Europeans presiding over them. Creole society both transformed culture and transformed racial conceptions in the eighteenth-century.
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This week we are given a closer look at the Ile de France and the complex society that existed on the island. Originally a Dutch settlement, the island was largely described as a lacking the qualities of a profitable and sustainable colony for the French. Vaughn notes that the drive to establish a colony on the island was initially done as a protection for Ile de Bourbon which was doing well with coffee production. The island was also very important for strategic reasons as if provided a jump off point to India and a military base as the French would battle with England on more than one occasion. Vaughn claims that 'the rivalry with England made colonies in the Indian Ocean not a luxury but a necessity'. Throughout the book Vaughn alludes to the struggle that ensued to establish a colony on Ile de France that could last. One reason was the underpopulation of the island. A constantly changing cast of characters in charge of the island led to a colony that underwent many changes, setbacks, and progressive moments. The island came to be reliant on slave labor and society was shaped by the number of slaves continually coming there and the men who owned the most slaves. These slaves were predominately from Madagascar where a very complex history of settlement and migration from all around the region including India, Africa, Asia, and even Europe led to a creole society of incredible variety.
One thing mentioned a few places in the book I found interesting was that some people saw the fact that the extent at which slaves attempted to escape and maintain their freedom gave them a civilized feature. It is also discussed that slaves were specifically taken from regions where a preexisting idea of subordination and social hierarchy provided for a understanding of domination of one over the other. Vaughn also spend a good deal of time discussing the gender roles of slavery which was intriguing and at times incredibly brutal. The way in which master tried to strip male slaves of their masculinity. As well as the slave owner's attempt to take the violence out of his hands as it became a sign of weakness and low class origins to beat your slaves. In the end, the colony that was such a struggle to create a keep was able to maintain a strong hold over itself as it was so distant from France.
The Peabody article provided an interesting look at the role of religion in the world of racism. She states that a shift took place among the missionaries in the Caribbean after war between the natives and the colonists as well as a growing sugar trade. The article also questions whether slavery's origins were part of an Iberian model and stretched as far back as the classical world. She also points out that in the beginning, African slaves were more expensive than using indentured servants. The role of religion, the importance of spirituality and the extent to which African were though to embrace or not embrace Christianity came to determine the prejudice and racist discourse that continued to develop at this time in history. Finally, here as well as in the Vaughn text as well as previous readings the notion of population is discussed. The fact that slaves came to largely outnumber colonists had an impact on many aspects of racism and attitudes towards Africans.
Royce Gildersleeve Response Week 11
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In “A Nation Born to Slavery,” Sue Peabody seems to confront the question of whether racism preceeded or was a result of slavery, before summarily calling the debate “largely irrelevant,” claiming that “historians should work to embed racial ideology in the immediate and dynamic relations of people in their social worlds.” To this end, Peabody calls attention to the society of the French Antilles of the seventeenth century as having received little attention in the development of racial ideology. Peabody points to a shift in racial discourse that occurs from the 1630s to the 1660s where French colonists go from identifying African slaves negatively to later in the century, as slavery becomes key to the burgeoning sugar trade, where colonial discourse in regards to Africans softens and becomes very paternalistic.
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Peabody argues that this shift in discourse occurs due to continued indigenous resistance to missionairies and continuous rebellion, while the sugar economy exploded, necessitating an increase in the importation of slaves, who were much more receptive to Catholicism. Peabody asserts that this shift shows that racial attitudes did not progress on a linear line from neutral to negative, instead that negative attitudes existed from the beginning of the colonialism and were adopted as was necessary for the colonial project. Although taking place a century in the future and set on a tiny island in the Indian ocean, Megan Vaughan’s Creating the Creole Island expands upon Peabody’s notion of fluid, opportunistic racial attitudes by examining slave societies on the French colony of Mauritius in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Uninhabited before colonization, the French populated the island with slaves from mainland Africa and Madagascar, themselves a heterogenus mix of ethnicities. Through the deconstruction of court records, Vaughan is able to argue that the creolization of Mauritius was imposed, highlighting language and sexual restrictions intended to form a more multicultural, layered slave population.
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As Peabody notes in her article, French attitudes toward race owe much to the Spanish theological debates of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Owing to an Aristotelian notion of natural slavery, Europeans tended to categorize humans by cultural traits, of which race played a large role. These two works reveal how French colonists had refined this argument to meet the needs of their own colonial enterprises, just as the Spanish were forced to modify their own systems of inquiry in the late sixteenth century. Whereas the environmental and economic situation, even the time period are different in these to examples, the manner in which the French structure racial attitudes to fit their needs, while grounding these developments in centuries long racial ideology, are quite similar.
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Dan Ludington
\nThe work for this week was more troubling for than in the previous weeks, especially the work by Vaughan. Her reliance on court records to determine the development of an entirely unique Creole society on Mauritius is well done, but her theoretical models by which she accomplishes this seem cobbled together and haphazard. Vaughan is claiming that the lack of indigenous population on this isolated island in conjunction with its unstable economic setting, built an entire society of fluid social boundaries, between slaves, French and creoles.
\nHer theoretical models are primarily found in Freud and Foucault. For Freud, it was the social and the institutes of reputation, abuse and sexual domination defined interpersonal relationship between the slaves and their masters. The boundaries between the groups on Mauritius were not homogenous in any way: with slaves arriving from both Eastern and Western African regions, Madagascar and India. The extreme differences in appearances, religions and customs of the slave population meant that race could not be a discriminating factor on the Island. This case was adequately made in her case study of the ‘Baby in the Salt Pan’, whereby race was a sliding scale, only upon when the conclusion was made about the homicide, that the social standing of the child could be determined. The baby went form being initially ‘white’, to ‘whitish’ to ‘black’. What Vaughan is trying to raise is that color and slavery were not intrinsically linked: everything was situational. Freud's psychonalysis of the slaves left them in a perpetual child-like state, lusting for the power and approval of their owners or those in control of their lives.
\nWhere Foucault enters the discussion are in the attitudes towards the social confinement of the slaves themselves. To maintain the social division, the colonial government abruptly changed the manner in which slaves could be disciplined: it moved from the private sphere to the public sphere. No longer was disobedience a crime against the owner, but it was a crime against the state. The domination of the government also meant that slave owners were limited in the ways that they could discipline their slaves, so they had to turn to alternative methods of domination. Vaughan’s (somewhat unconvincing) argument about the incestuous and castrating sexual model between slaves and their masters proves this point. The owners were seen as the phallic-wielding sources of power, while the slave women in particular were seen as desiring of that power, which was often abused. Conversely, the male slaves were castrated in a figurative sense whereby they did not have access to women in the same manner as the master. In the absence of any other type of racial hierarchy, the social institutions on Mauritius had to invent new ways of limiting and confining the slave populations, especially in such an unstable environment.
\nThe development of the segregation of slavery on Mauritius is radically different than that of the French Antilles. It was there that some of the most virulent and disparaging notions of scientific racism originated. Peabody’s article addresses the construction of a slavery society in the seventeenth century in these sugar-producing nations (another point of difference: Mauritius was not permitted to produce sugar). It is entirely possible that the scientific discourse that developed in the Antilles was economically motivated, yet often the African slaves (homogenously described) were lazy, possessing bad odors and having a dim intellect. Yet they were still understood to be people, as the writings of the Catholic missionaries to the slave populations have noted. The slaves were merely seen as ‘vessels’, which could be filled with whatever the French masters desired.
\nThe readings this week, although more theoretical than anything, provide a useful insight into how slavery was understood and enforced in the French colonies throughout the world. French pragmatism and cruelty were equally applied when instituting societies that were designed to perpetuate the social divide between slaves and masters, not between races necessarily.
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\n\n
In Colony of Citizens, Laurent Dubois seeks to tell the “stories of the enslaved and freed people of Guadeloupe, of their struggles within and against slavery, and of their attempts to shape the meaning of liberty, citizenship, and racial equality,” hoping to, “illustrate the possibilities of bringing together history, anthropology, and literary criticism in order to propose a new vision of the foundations of democracy” (14, 5). Dubois chooses Guadeloupe, a tiny island in the Lesser Antilles strand of the Caribbean where slavery was abolished in 1794 only to have it reinstated in 1802, because he feels it symbolizes the “dramatic possibilities” of the 1790s where republican ideals were used to both grant rights and take them away within only a few years. Set on this small island, Dubois’s work is a microhistory set in the broader context of the Atlantic world, where actors in a small, backwater plantation economy both influence and are influenced by the discourse of natural and universal rights emanating back and forth across the Atlantic in the eighteenth century.
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Organized into three sections, this strong book’s most successful section is Part one, where Dubois uses the revolt in the community of Trois-Rivieres which led to emancipation as a case study in the effect of Republican political culture when it was imported across the Atlantic. The author is able to show that through incorporating themselves into imperial debates about how the metropole should govern its colonies, enslaved and free-blacks were able to gain rights for themselves that had previously only been discussed in the context of the center, rather than the periphery of the empire. Even more astonishing is the chapter in which Dubois reveals how enslaved blacks were able to convince whites and free blacks, through a discourse of Republican ideas, that they deserved identities as citizens in order to protect the colony. This high point comes crashing down in Part two, when the Hugue regime severs the connection to the metropole that previously had been used to establish universal rights for blacks, and began a racialized system of exclusion, which eventually led to the reinstatement of slavery under the Consulate and Napoleon Bonaparte.
\n\n
Colony of Citizens is a great accomplishment that is able to show how ideas are able to spur change, to both radical and conservative ends. A main theme throughout the work is the debate over universal vs. property rights, as seen through the actions of enslaved blacks who argued for rights as French citizens while their white owners tried to steer the argument towards a debate over property. While this theme is explored magnificently, I would have welcomed a further comparison of the quest for rights for both French women and blacks. Dubois claims this as an influence in his introduction, yet does not follow this idea completely through, Olympe de Gouge is mentioned only in passing, and her Declaration of the Rights of Women and Citizenesses is relegated to a footnote. This is a rare missed opportunity in an important, well done work.
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\nThe two readings take our weeks-long conversation about the nature of colonization and its interaction with indigenous and non-European populations, and brings it into the post Ancien Régime period. Both the Dubois book and the Carton article highlight how the phrasing in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen are highly divisive when considering French racial policies in all of their overseas colonies.
\nDubois focuses on an analytical narrative, which investigates how the Declaration was taken to political and ideological extremes on the island of Guadeloupe. It was there that in an off-the beaten path colony, that the slave population would push for their own rights of equality, after being granted freedom in the post-1789 French world. The denial of full rights and privileges on behalf of the slaves somewhat resembled the US in the Reconstruction phase. The European colonists used their power to limit the freedoms of the slaves, as the former had a vested interest in maintaining the institution of slavery. This created a paradox, the focus of the book, of colonialism against Revolutionary republicanism. Dubois describes this as 'Republican racism' whereby the universal notions of liberte, egalite at fraternite were not extended to those of darker skin color. The black slave populations used their own limited resources in an attempt to secure the same rights as the French, which was difficult int he face of the plantation-based opposition. While not radicalized in the same sense as those living on St. Domingue, the slaves on Guadeloupe still were embued with enough freedoms to resist their reenslavement in 1803, to the point where many of them committed suicide, rather than return to slavery.
\nThis brings up the notion of universality, which is the central focus of the Carton article. Taking place on the opposite of the globe, the topas population of Pondichery, proposed that they be extended the same freedoms of citizenship as the European-born colonists. This is the basis upon which the article is written, examining the modes of thinking towards what makes a citizen in the French Republican sense. Carton concludes that it is not just blood desent, nor was it entirely cultural integration, but was something more akin to racism whereby those who were not of the right social and racial categories were not extended the same rights. The topas provided a unique insight into the paradox of French citizenship in the post-Revolutionary world, where conversion and marraige were sufficient to become a citizen, or subject. Lineage, religion, and cultural assimilation were all required, but in the case of the topas, their lineage could not be entirely confirmed; yet they were living and interacting in the same social group as the entirely white European colonists. Eventually the topas were allowed to vote and gain the same 'universal' rights, but their own ambiguous standing in the face of the Declaration highlights the racial paradoxes of French colonialism post-1789.
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Dan Ludington - Response
\nThis book is about more than just the scientific interaction of the French and Spaniards (particularly French) in Peru, but also how their existence and social interaction with the natives was carried out. This takes the primary focus of analyzing how the Europeans came to the conclusions they did, and how the usurped the local knowledge and made it their own. Safier is trying to understand why the Europeans interacted with the locals, and how they justified taking and effacing this knowledge, to legitimize it in to their audiences back in Europe.
\nBy examining this particular trip into the Andes, the social interaction between the French, Spanish and native-born populations will be revealed through the ‘invisible’ material included in the European accounts of the trip. He describes this invisible material as being ‘erasure’, by which the authors of said works for European consumption dumbed-down, edited and cut out parts of the travel accounts for mass understanding. What was valuable to them was only so far as the lowest common denominator: that the intricacies of the native cultures were secondary to the European model of imperial domination and exploration. To overcome these historiographical weaknesses, Safier chooses to examine the travel itineraries of the French, which were more like diaries: unfiltered accounts of their findings and interactions with the native populations. This meant that their findings were not processed in the traditional imperialist fashion, but rather are still unblemished accounts of the true social and cultural exchanges that actually took place high in the Andes.
\nWhat makes this work valuable to the imperialist discourse is that it jolts historians out of the mindset of ‘triumphant’ scientific explorers, making sound observations on the virgin realm of the Americas. How the French recorded their stories, which were in turn edited and published, is very revealing of how the covered up and ignored many of their sources. By focusing on the ‘invisible’ material, Safier is proposing that the travel accounts of La Condamine tell a far greater story than simply ‘empirical’ observations. None of his work was truly performed in a vacuum, nor were his results purely of his own doing. The native populations, traditional knowledge, and non-speaking characters all play a part in his final work. Safier effectively debunks the notion of the intrepid scientist, and tries to place them in the larger sphere of European social and cultural interaction in their continuing exploration of the Americas during the eighteenth century.
\nThese mindsets all arose from the Imperialist model of occupation and extraction, which are all detailed in the Encyclopedie articles. The consideration of the Americas was not for its potential in investment, but rather in extraction. The mindset that the French scientists seem to have during their expedition and observation is that the localities and native population only had ideas and experiences to be extracted. No credit was given to or referred to, when the native populations had any impact on their studies. This ideal of extraction is furthered in the idea of observation: which is only “the attention of the soul focused on objects offered by nature.” To the Europeans, there was nothing that the native populations could have added to their writings, even if a great deal of the knowledge being written in the French works indeed came from the native population. The differentiation between observation and experimentation, as was noted by the article is in the concluding story recounted by Safier, whereby La Condamine was unable to map out the city due to the fears of the city’s inhabitants. Due to the interjection of the non-Europeans, La Condamine forced himself to leave out a map. It is inherent to the European state of mind that omission is necessary to maintaining the social models of superiority, innovation and observation.
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Royce Gildersleeve—Week 4 Response
\nIn Building the Devil’s Empire, Shannon Lee Dawdy examines French colonial New Orleans asking: how did the city acquire its disorderly reputation and what does this say about “Old World perceptions and New World realities” (2)? Through these questions, Dawdy hopes to deepen the modern understanding of colonialism by conducting a “historical ethnography that makes the characters, smells, struggles, and banter” of colonial New Orleans come alive while at the same time addressing colonialism and its “theories regarding its strategies, technologies, and ideologies” (3). This results in the argument that “New Orleans played important, though forgotten, roles in Enlightenment intellectualism, in the development of colonialism, in the revolutionary movements of the Atlantic, and in the uneven evolution of modernity” (10).
\nDawdy lists three factors, engineering, creolization, and rogue colonization, which function as thematic devices throughout the text, as the main avenues through which to argue her thesis. Engineering refers to the influence enlightenment thinking had in engineering the city. Plans for New Orleans began in the early 18th century at the time that the enlightened despotism of the Sun King Louis XIV saw a consolidation of executive power and an increase in social experimentation. Early plans for New Orleans fit within this category. Creolization refers not to the product of interracial sexual relations, but the second generation of New Orleanians that drew from French, Canadian, Indian, African and Caribbean populations to create a strictly New Orleans identity. This new Creole society would essentially run New Orleans with little to no input from the metropole or new colonists from the early 1730s until the Spanish Takeover in 1766. The third and most interesting of Dawdy’s thematic devises is her notion of rogue colonialism, which she defines as “the influence of those individuals on the ground who pushed colonial frontiers in their own self-interest” (11). These rogues, Dawdy argues, are responsible for the ability of the colony to sustain itself after abject failure of the metropole’s early organization. These rogues, who as creoles developed their own cultural and social identities, were private citizens and members of the local political machines who eventually helped create a rogue colony, essentially an autonomous, independent state which would exist until the failed revolt against the Spanish in 1768.
\nThe rogue colonialism theme, in which Creole colonists pursue their own interests while simultaneously building a colony is reflected within Jennifer M. Spear’s article, “Colonial Intimacies: Legislating Sex in French Louisiana.” Spear argues that colonial authorities, both in Louisiana and France, legislated sexuality in order to “achieve two contradictory goals: constructing boundaries between colonized and colonizer, and using Métis sage as the ultimate tool of assimilation.” Colonial authorities seemingly simultaneously encouraged and forbid colonists to wed Indian women. It seems the benefits of interracial union, trade relations, diplomacy, and relief for demographically challenged men, superseded the concerns of the metropole that cohabitation with non-Europeans would cause moral and practical problems for the colony, as the colonials lost their identities as civilized Frenchmen. Spear also convincingly argues that despite the passing of a second Code Noir in the 1720s, illicit unions between Europeans and Africans increased rather than abated, as evidenced by the number of mulatto children counted in the censuses of the 1730s. Spear and Dawdy both present a New Orleans where local concerns of “rogues” for the survival of the colony trumped state plans and imperial proclamations, creating a unique society independent of French control.
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\nIn Plants and Empire: Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World, Londa Schiebinger focuses on the “movement, mixing, triumph, and extinction of different knowledge in the course eighteenth century encounters between Europeans and the peoples of the Caribbean” (12). She seeks to discover why the knowledge that the flos pavonis or peacock flower, was an abortifacient, did not make it across the Atlantic to Europe while being widely known in parts of the Western Hemisphere. Claiming that “ignorance is often not merely the absence of knowledge but an outcome of cultural and political struggle,” Schiebinger employs “agnotology—the study of culturally induced ignorances,” a methodology that “refocuses questions about ‘how we know’ to include questions about what we do not know, and why not” (3).
\nPlants and Empire is organized into five distinct chapters that at first glance appear to have little to do with each other, but upon closer inspection reveal the ties between science and empire in the eighteenth century. Chapter one examines New World botanists, both men and women, as they scour the Caribbean for plants of both medicinal and economic value, while at the same time exposing Atlantic world botany as an imperial undertaking. Chapter two then explains the difficulties faced by these botanists as they encountered terrains and societies that were completely different than their homelands in Europe. In chapter three Shiebinger introduces the peacock flower, situating it within a framework of race and gender, arguing that slave women used the flower to deny their owners profitable children as well as saving their prospective offspring from the horrors of slavery. Chapter four sees the author hypothesize as to the reasons why knowledge of this plant did not make it to Europe, with her concluding that changes in the practice of medicine muffled its impact. In chapter five she uses the contemporary debate over the language of naming discovered fauna in Latin to argue that the start of this practice in the eighteenth century contributed to western domination of the New World. In the conclusion Schiebinger ties these chapters together through an imperial theme, arguing that botanists, who were imperial creatures, covered up the effects of the peacock flower to ensure higher population totals for their mercantilist empires. A hypothesis that is both fun and not totally convincing.
\nWhat if it simply was not needed in Europe? Perhaps that continent had a similar plant that produced the desired effect. Also, if there was money to be made by importing this plant for a medicinal reason, would not that overtake any sort of imperial obligation theses botanists would have felt? Additionally, since Schiebinger freely uses current debates to forward her argument, I find it odd that she does not address the contemporary political debate over abortion more strongly, perhaps as a way of introducing eighteenth century attitudes, both secular and religious to the procedure. Nonetheless, Plants of Empire is an important contribution to the historiography of science in the Atlantic world.
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\nI wrote a particularly long response in lieu of my attendance tonight.
\nIn Londa Schiebinger’s Plants and Empire, she outlines a history that intertwines botanical history with subaltern history. Her focus is that of the Peacock Flower, a widely known abortificant throughout the Americas. While the origin of the plant is unknown (she speculates where it may have originated) Schiebinger states that it could be found growing in the wild in the Americas, as well as throughout botanical gardens throughout Europe. Her botanical thesis is that while the Europeans had entered into the Americas searching for spectacular wealth, many were unsuccessful finding it in the manner the Spanish did. What they did find were the numerous herbal cures for various diseases, many of which were promptly turned into state secrets in order to procure the greatest profit. Her subaltern thesis is complimentary to the formation of these state monopolies: that the Europeans purposefully stole or gleaned the knowledge of these herbal and botanical cures from the natives, slaves, women or a combination thereof. In conjunction with the intellectual theft of the brews and bitters, the Europeans devised naming schemes whereby they perpetuated their economic and political power over the subservient classes, who then lost their exclusivity in the trade of medicinal cures. The Encyclopedie articles describe how completely (or lack thereof) the Europeans had monopolized the production of valuable agricultural and botanical goods, such as vanilla and cocoa. These lucrative goods were advertised and widely promised to hold a variety of cures and uses, mostly at the hands of the nations and companies whose best interest it was to do so.
\nEmpire was constructed in two forms according to Schiebinger: in terms of population and of intellect. At approximately the time period of her study, the Europeans were spending huge sums of money on medicinal cures arriving from the Mediterranean, originating further east. With the myths and rumors that were returning from the recently occupied Americas, many Europeans set out from their homes in order to try to ‘discover’ new, miraculous cures to the diseases and maladies they often suffered from, not to mention become incredibly rich in the process. As many of these European botanical conquistadors spread out over the American continents, they came into contact with the exact cures they were looking for: the native populations had already learned (emphasis on Learned) the medicinal traits of many of their native plants. As the Europeans established and spread out their territorial empires, the knowledge and production of these valuable goods became state (particularly Spanish) property. The suppression of the native (and later, African Slave) populations in terms of human rights was the first aspect of Schiebinger’s thesis.
\nThere was a consequence of the European’s drive for an ever-expanding physical empire: which is population. It is here that her narrative of the Peacock flower enters: that while the Amerindians and the African slaves widely used the seeds of this flower to abort unwanted fetuses, the knowledge of this aspect of the plant never was widely known in Europe. This is the second part of her thesis, which is in order to maintain populations, and in accordance to Christian beliefs, the knowledge of the reproductive capabilities of the Peacock flower were purposefully obscured. She largely discredits this idea that the European women were not interested in birth control: numerous other plants such as saving, pennyroyal and rue were all known to abort fetuses to such a wide extent that plants such as savin were illegal to grow and ingest as recently as Nazi Germany. It was precisely during the eighteenth century that European birthrates began to be a wider concern (a largely hysterical, unfounded fear) that women were not producing enough children. Not only were the European men expanding their political influence into the Americas, but they were also expanding into the traditional practices of midwifery and their women’s reproductive systems.
\nBut where the Peacock flower had a large impact was in the Americas, where it was a lot more difficult to traffic. The complex biological and reproductive atmosphere of colonial America made controlling sexual relations and child birth far more difficult for the European men. This was especially the case for African Slave women, who purposefully aborted their children to prevent them from being born into bondage. This was really only an issue once the slave owners realized that slaves bred in the Caribbean were hardier than those brought over directly from Africa. The purposeful suppression of the slave’s reproductive freedom was done to ensure the greatest profit, much like the monopolization of knowledge of botanicals discussed above. Once the potential for profit entered onto the stage for the European slave owners, they used all of their means to control the reproductive means of their slaves.
\nThe final step for Schiebinger in the European’s subjugation of the American natural and human resources was a linguistic one. She describes how the European botanists back at home, in particular Carl Linnaeus, used naming schemes which honored their own traditions. This meant that the native naming schemes for the various flowers, trees were constructed in a European manner that was the final step in the subjugation of the native knowledge. The Peacock Flower was not noted as having any other character than the beauty of its flowers. The complete Europeanization of American botany and pharmaceuticals meant that even the populations who had discovered and developed the cures were now subject to the European’s control over the entire discipline and market. Schiebinger has constructed an intriguing work which links together the European codification and monopolization of plants and the establishment of subaltern classes which still exist today.
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\n\n
In Lords of All the World, Anthony Pagden attempts to “understand how Europeans thought about the empires which they had created and with the consequences of which they were compelled to live” (5). The empires Pagden holds up for examination are the Spanish, French and English ventures in the Americas, beginning in the early sixteenth century and lasting until the Spanish colonial independence movements of the early nineteenth century. To accomplish his task, Pagden examines a large body of texts by theologians, propagandists, and government administrators in order to compare the manner in which intellectuals from each of these three countries explained empire. Pagden begins his study by tracing the root of European imperial ideas to Rome, which leads to the concept of a Christian universal monarchy, followed by the internal and external debates over conquest and expansion, their effect on the metropol, and the self-examination of the costs and benefits of conquest as imperial model.
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It is Pagden’s contention that European imperial ideas were directly influenced by imperial Rome, particularly the Roman practice of recognizing conquered peoples as human—not barbarian—once Roman laws and beliefs became accepted practices. Pagden points to the Spanish imperial model of conquest and conversion to support this claim. In the late sixteenth century, French and British imperialists, aware of the Spanish colonial condition and familiar with the same imperial literature, initially favored the conquest model for their own imperial ventures. However, unable to mount Spanish-size campaigns or encounter rich societies like the Aztec or Inca, the French and English took a divergent imperial path. These states founded their empires on trade and commerce rather than the extraction of minerals and conversion. Natives were to be partners or removed, not incorporated. Pagden argues these differences are due largely to cultural, rather than geographic disparities. An argument that is not wholly convincing. As historian John Elliott asks in the conclusion to Empires of the Atlantic World, what if vast quantities of silver had been found in North America? Is it so hard to imagine English and French employing the same policies of enslavement and extraction the Spanish favored when large quantities of mineral wealth were found in their colonial territories?
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The most intriguing aspect of the work is Pagden’s examination of Spanish intellectuals, who unlike the English, engaged in a century-long intellectual debate about the rights of colonists in the New World. The presence of a Spanish debate on rights in the New World versus the lack of such a debate in England is remarkable when considering each society’s eventual policy towards indigenous Americans—in Spain’s case, incorporation, in England’s case, removal. Spanish claims to legitimately colonize the New World were certified by a papal grant. Pope Alexander VI issued five Bulls in 1493 authorizing the occupation of “such islands and lands…as you have discovered or are about to discover.” The bulls essentially allowed Spain to claim any lands they came upon in the western hemisphere as their own and provided a direct link between Spain and the Papacy, which at the time claimed to posses sovereignty over “all the world” (32-3). Therefore, the relationship between Church and the Spanish kingdom in the New World helped to shape the ideological framework of the Spanish colonies. The engagement of Spanish intellectuals in the problem of Indigenous humanity and rights within an imperial framework was accompanied by interaction between Indigenes and settlers in the colonies themselves. In the English context, both kinds of involvement would be far more constrained, with dramatic consequences. It is these moments within Lords of All the World that Pagden is at his most effective--when he is explaining the intellectual roots of imperial theory and the mechanisims through which that theory was applied.
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Week 2 Response - Daniel Ludington
\nAnthony Pagden - Lords of All the World
\nAnthony Pagden is arguing that by turning to a methodological model similar to that of Raynal, can we begin to gain a more complete perspective on the process of European imperial expansion from the late fifteenth century all of the way into the nineteenth century. What he examines are the intellectual, religious and practical foundations upon which the Europeans justified their colonizing efforts throughout the world. What he tracks are the major sea changes in thought and justification for colonization: from the goal of the universal Imperial and Christian state, to one where trade and pure economic gain was the only rationalization for the presence of colonies. He follows the thought of predominantly European Intellectuals, as they grapple with the legitimacy of colonization, colonial economics, slavery and colonial independence. He determines that through the first phase of European colonization, they learned from their mistakes, and took care not to destroy the areas they had interest in expanding to.
\nTo illustrate the shift in the thought about imperialism and colonization, he chooses to differentiate between the three powers that he focuses on: Spain, France and England. Spain leads the way in thinking about Imperialism, basing their rationalizations on ancient Roman models of assimilation and usurpation. This symbolized the eschatological ‘Last Kingdom’ under the Imperium of Charles V, with whom the rationalization of their mistreatment of the natives lays. While they were initially successful due to the wealth already present in Central and South America, but France and England had to abandon this practice once they realized the lands they settled in did not have the established wealth. France tried to integrate the native populations into French culture, thus extending the King’s direct rule, of these newly inter-married French subjects. The direct governance of New France and New Spain continued on in the Roman tradition of centralized rule. The English took a far more decentralized approach, leaving the governance of the colonists largely to themselves, but urged them to stay connected to Europe in an economic sense. It is in his explanation of political and economic rationalizations for colonization that his argument works best.
\nHe augments his argument for justification of colonizing, with the various explanations for furthering and developing the established settlements. The Spanish colonial model never actually changed, as they were successful enough simply extracting the specie wealth, and exporting it back to Europe. It was the French, and the English most of all, who developed sophisticated commercial ventures, which involved the production of raw goods to be exported. These economic models are never really explained, as it seems that Pagden assumes the reader is familiar with the Sugar plantations in the Caribbean, the Tobacco trade, and the Fur trappers in Canada. The European investment and development of their colonies was the weakest part of this argument. He claims that the English in particular, became so economically invested in North America that it became inevitable that the two entities would come into a political conflict. Even after losing the War of the American Revolution, England had learned that occupation and settlement was not the key to colonial success. Pagden’s main point was that by the beginning of the 19th century, Europe had recognized England’s successes at massaging and developing wealth using the native populations, and simultaneously the failure of the Spanish model of economic extraction. Although he does not spend any time developing the subsequent colonization of India, Asia or Africa, he perfectly sets the stage for the second wave of European Colonization. This time, they only invested finances and resources into the other lands, not human resources.
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\n[The Encyclopedie articles are discussed in the context of the book]
\nAllan Greer's \"Mohawk Saint\" is an in-depth microhistory examining the events surrounding the life of the Mohawk woman Catherine Tekakwitha and her brief interaction with Claude Chauchetière, a Jesuit missionary based in late seventeenth century Montreal. Greer focuses primarily on the fact that the two cultures taking the form of the two main characters, came from such different backgrounds that there was bound to be substantial misinterpretation of the ‘other’ during the period of French colonization of Canada. His conclusion is that while there was a large amount of misunderstanding between the Iroquois and the French Jesuits, (he curiously leaves out the French laity) the view of the ‘other’ on behalf of the Europeans set the precedent for these intercultural relationships up into the present day.
\nThere are two competing views of the natives in Quebec at the time that the Jesuits were observing the life of Catherine and then writing about it: first that the natives are stuck in a savage mindset, whereby only the most basic of human functions were heeded and the second is that the natives are tainted by their ancient social and religious customs, even as they entered into the European sphere. Despite Chauchetière’s enthusiasm about Catherine’s piety and dedication to Christianity, much of his amazement was rooted in the preconceived notions of the sensual, undisciplined female native. Even in the century preceding the early death of Catherine Tekakwitha, it is apparent that (especially when examining the Encyclopedie articles) Europeans had deep-seated beliefs about the native populations and their behaviors.
\nThe separation between European ‘civilization’ and the Iroquois society is the central issue that Greer is trying to illustrate. Native religious customs and social organizations were widely misunderstood by the Europeans, particularly the social hierarchy where women were superior where the men’s primary purpose was hunting. The patriarchal-centered European society was the foundation upon which they observed and judged the native populations, noting that the Canadian natives were only involved in warring and hunting. Greer does to great lengths to explain that they could not be further from the truth: the Jesuit writers paid little attention to what the women were doing. The Iroquois social structure was even more misinterpreted by the Europeans in terms of marriage and sex: that sexual relations (within ‘marriage’) were not seen in the abhorrent and weakening sense as the colonists saw them, but they were necessary for holding familial and clan groups together. This meant that marriage in the Iroquois sense was not an outlet for sinful actions, but rather the social adhesive that their entire extended familial culture was founded upon. The European’s observance of the difficulty in which the Iroquois women had in severing their ties to their own communities was entirely backward, for instance Tekakwitha’s “evil uncle” who tried to keep the former from migrating north to the French settlement.
\nA practical illustration of how the Europeans continued to misunderstand and misinterpret the natives was their description of Catherine’s close confident, Marie-Therese. They described her a religious outcast because she formerly had a husband and had previously engaged in sexual intercourse. The Catholicized Iroquois even ostracized her, as their immature interpretation of dogma lead them to believe she was less than acceptable to their faith. Catherine’s conscious decision to abstain and remain a virgin was interpreted by the Jesuits and subsequent generations as being even more astounding. To the Europeans, it was astounding that a native could remain abstinent, when popular belief prescribed that the native population, particularly women, were prone to sexual weakness. These beliefs again show up in the Encyclopedie articles, which were edited and published almost 100 years later. The behavior of the Canadian natives is described as “indescribably lazy, exceedingly lacking in gratitude, mistrustful, treacherous, vindictive, and all the more dangerous because they know so well how to hide their resentment.” Beyond the supposed miraculous healing power of Catherine’s remains, the greatest shock to the Europeans is that one of these inherently wicked Iroquois was able to reach the heights of purity only achievable by Western Christians.
\nThe story of Catherine Tekakwitha is representative of the larger discourse of interaction between the European colonists and the American Indians, both in terms of cultural misunderstanding, and in the way that the two cultures have yet to be reconciled. Yet, he describes a fluid social boundary between each culture, as he freely calls Catherine by her European name, by the Iroquois Tekakwitha, and by the anachronistic Kateri. Each culture has a stake in the memory of this supposed saint: either as an expression of piety, amazement or anthropological intrigue. The recently formed cults and organizations dedicated Catherine’s memory and life speak to the continuing rift between Native and Western cultures. It took almost 300 years for Catherine to be beatified, as her story was still difficult grasp to Westerners unfamiliar with the actual Iroquois society. It is the same questions that the Jesuits asked: how could a Mohawk woman be capable of truly comprehending the spiritual depth of what she was doing?
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